Celtic Coinage of Britain

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Norfolk Wolf Stater V610-02

 

Numismatic Articles

Van Arsdell 2021b   (Info)

 

Semiotics of Celtic Coins XIX – Dealing with Demons

By Robert D. Van Arsdell

 

 

Introduction – The Icenian Reaction to Caesar's Invasion

 

The previous article in this series explained the images on Trinovantian Whaddon Chase staters. The tribal leaders had dealt with Caesar's invasion of Britain with diplomacy, not aggression. They asserted this strategy benefited their people and that they had been successful leaders during the invasion. The writings of the Roman authors and the later wealth of the Trinovantes tend to corroborate the story on the coins. (Info)

 

Norfolk Wolf Stater V610-02

The Icenian coins reveal a different reaction to Caesar's invasion. The Icenian leaders joined the Trinovantes in negotiating with the Romans, but they were initially uncertain about the prospects for success. The coins show how the Icenian leaders viewed the situation as it unfolded. In this case, the ancient Roman authors are silent about the details of the story. Only the images on the Norfolk Wolf staters give us any insight.

The Norfolk Wolf staters are the earliest coins most workers identify as Icenian. (Info) In the 1980s, the Norfolk Wolf type was thought to start about the beginning of the Gallic War, or perhaps as early as 65 BC, based on weight and gold content.

John Talbot, using additional data gathered since 1989, now suggests this coinage should start a bit later, to the middle of the Gallic War (he suggests 55 BC). This revised date has been adopted on this web site, because it also has semiotic support. (Info)

The main devices, the Apollo head and Wolf, reveal little of the message. The story is told by a succession of field objects on the obverse.

 

Attack of the Demons

 

Demon Attacks Wreath

Field objects tell the story – a series of "Demons" attacking the laurel wreath on the obverse. They start off with fantastic animals, which can be described as "Dragons". Later, animal heads that look like "Bears" appear.

Dragons and Bears are just convenient labels, the images are too abstract to say what the Demons actually are. The arrow shows a "Bear" attacking the laurel wreath.

It's not a simple task to identify all the Demons. On many coins, the image is struck off the flan. Few coins show them clearly. As the dies wore out from use, the images became distorted, further complicating the the task. It's easy to double-count worn and unworn images.

 

 

Norfolk Wold stater "Demons"

This is the Demon catalogue as it now stands. It's probably incomplete. The Demon is unknown for many dies, because that portion of the image is missing on so many coins. Thus, the following semiotic analysis is tentative, and subject to future discoveries.

So far, seven varieties of Dragons (1 thru 6, and 9) have been noted and two Bears (7 and 8). The Dragons occur throughout the series, but Bears only appear later.

The addition of Bears at some point is a tip-off that something happened. At some point in the negotiations with the Romans, the Icenian leaders changed their opinion of the situation.

Talbot's dating of the series is used here, the semiotic analysis doesn't suggest a different chronology. (Info)

 

 

Die Wear Complicates Matters

 

Worn Demons:

As with many Celtic coins, the dies were used until they became very worn. The Dragons were often engraved with fine lines and small pellets. As the dies were used, the engraved lines became obliterated or filled in with debris. Small cracks in the surface of the die could create "new lines" to appear. Tiny pellets could become connected to produce lines where none existed before.

In this diagram, the Dragons are drawn from two coins struck from the same die. They differ only in the wear suffered by the die:

  • The line on the Dragon's head disappears as the die gets filled with debris.
  • The die developed a surface crack above the Dragon's nose –  causing a new line to appear.
  • The tiny pellets that make up the demon's body became connected. The walls between the pellets (on the die) have broken away with continued die use.

Similar effects can be anticipated for the Bears, as well. Consequently, the appearance of any Demon might change as the die became worn. This effect has been accounted for in the semiotic analysis. The catalogue of Demons has not been artificially increased. Future workers will need to be careful not to mistake die wear for intended differences in the imagery.

 

Phantom Birds Appear on the Coins

 

Birds annd die wear

Perhaps the most bizarre effect of die wear is phantom imagery. Two workers have seen birds above the wolf and tried to identify them. The semiotic implications would suggest that birds were important to the Iceni. That importance could become a source of Stimuli in the semiotic analysis. (Info)

The bird shown here appears on Taylor's Die 32 of Die-group 12. (Info) This bird has not been identified in any previous studies, but seems to fit the same pattern of imagery.

Viewed with a 2-10X magnifying glass, the image truly looks like a bird. Strangely, the bird is best seen when looking at a photograph of the coin, instead of the coin itself.

Unfortunately, that photograph would lie to us about the image. When viewing the actual coin at 45X, using a stereomicroscope, one sees something entirely different. I must emphasize: no two-dimensional photo of this coin (such as the one given here) can reproduce the effect seen. This photo does not reveal what you see when using the scope.

However, the photo does show the places where the evidence lies. The coin was struck after the die had become very worn. The "bird" is nothing more than a pellet that has become damaged as the die broke down.

The results of die wear can be seen in the photo:

  • Arrow 1 – The bird's nose is nothing more than a die-crack to the edge of the die
  • Arrow 2 – A similar die-crack. It only appears on coins struck after the die had become extremely worn.
  • Arrow 3 – Another die-crack – one could imagine this becoming a new bird nose if the die suffered more damage.
  • Arrow 4 – The "legs" of the bird are nothing more than die-cracks. The one that created the bird's right leg has become severe. It now extends all the way behind the wolf and runs to the edge of the die. If the die had been used further, the whole edge of the die would break off, producing an enormous piece-out or cud. (Info)
  • Arrow 5 – The crack that created the bird's left leg now connects to the rump of the wolf.
  • Arrows labelled 6 – show the die breaking down between two pellets and a crescent. On the die, the walls that separate them are breaking away. If the die was used further, a large blob would appear above the wolf. One wonders what interpretation of the image could result.

When the die was in better shape, the impression of a bird was more convincing. The legs were not so long and the second line on top of the bird's head didn't exist yet. If a coin existed from the die when it was new (none are now known), it would show a simple pellet.

 

There is no bird on this coin.

 

It's possible the other birds seen on Norfolk Wolf staters may be nothing more than die damage. The coins involved ought to be re-examined using a stereomicroscope. Examining coins from different die-states would reveal progressive wear. This could prove whether or not there were birds on the freshly-cut dies. The work is best done using coins, not photographs.

Until this work is done, no consideration ought to be given to bird imagery as a source of Stimuli.

 

The Semiotic Analysis

 

The Circumstance Selectors

 

Issuing Authority: Who created the coins? In the previous article in this series, the choice of the issuing authority for the Whaddon Chase staters had to be discussed at length. There were two possible choices and the meaning of the imagery only made sense when the right one was picked.

In comparison, choosing this Circumstance Selector for Norfolk Wolf staters is reasonably straightforward. The issuing authority is fairly well agreed to be "an Icenian ruler" or "the rulers of the Iceni".

 

Audiences: Who saw the messages on the coins? The viewers for gold coins would be various elite groups in society – military leaders, wealthy agricultural/pastoral leaders, and possibly some traders, craftsmen or religious leaders. (Info)

 

Finding Stimuli

 

However, the nature of the Stimuli is now problematic. The Stimuli received by the rulers determined the way they reacted to Caesar's Invasions – and what they decided to put on their coins.

There are almost no written documents from the time. So the Stimuli must be found in the archaeological record. Archaeological records are normally incomplete because so much has failed to survive. But Icenian archaeology presents a difficult set of problems. The soils in Icenian territory are acidic. They destroy organic matter quickly and even degrade ceramics. Thus, we lack much of the bone and pottery finds – crucial evidence archaeologists use to build up a picture of life at the time. Pottery often provides the only dating for a site.

Consequently, assigning dates to archaeological finds for the Iceni (though improving) is still is more difficult than for other issuing authorities. These problems have been discussed in detail by generations of archaeologists in Norfolk and Suffolk. (Info)

The selection of the Stimuli must be based on archaeological finds from the time of the Invasions, or before. It really shouldn't include anything later. In a previous article, we were able to suggest Stimuli coming from Celtic religion, using syncretized images of Roman and Celtic gods. When the Romans had equated two gods, it let us infer the nature of the Celtic god from the Roman one. There is no such evidence for Norfolk Wolf staters, we need to be careful about the sources of the Stimuli we choose. (Info)

 

Icenian Exceptionalism

 

A key issue is whether the Iceni were different from other Iron Age people in Britain. If they are found to be different in any way, this must be added to the Stimuli. It will also be taken into account in the Content Nebula. (Info)

The evidence should be limited to the time of Caesar's invasion of Gaul and its immediate aftermath – say 58 to 45 B.C. Otherwise, we could include anachronistic sources in our Stimuli. For example, if we use archaeological finds from the time of the Boudiccan Rebellion, over a hundred years would have passed since Caesar had visited Britain. The Stimuli we derive from those finds would likely not represent the situation faced by an Icenian ruler in 55 BC.

In the analyis that follows, some evidence will be accepted, other kinds rejected.

 

Rejected Evidence:

 

  • The Iceni were different from other people with respect to religious practices. The evidence is the appearance of rectangular enclosures that are common to their territory, but unusual elsewhere. These enclosures cannot be used as evidence because it's not proven they date as early as Caesar's invasions. Thus, we shouldn't suggest a unique religious situation affected Icenian perceptions. (Info)
  • The Iceni had a special relationship with horses. The evidence is the use of horse imagery on coins and many finds of metalwork used for horse trappings. Horse imagery on Icenian coins is problematic, because most of it appears after Caesar's invasion. Furthermore. the appearance of horses on Celtic coinage is common throughout Celtic lands. The Iceni cannot be said to have a strong, unique relationship with horses compared to other peoples. The appearance of a wolf (instead of a horse) suggests something else is going on. (Info)

  • New agricultural practices were revolutionizing society. The problem is dating: the introduction of new ploughs for heavy soils would be later than Caesar's invasions. The settlement of the upper landscape would be gradual, not being completed until the Roman Interlude. (Info)
  • New pottery production methods were revolutionizing society. The problem is again dating: The introduction of Aylesford-Swarling pottery and the use of the potter's wheel starts later than Caesar's invasions. (Info)

 

Accepted Evidence:

 

  • The Iceni were gradually settling their territory as they learned to deal with heavier soils. They would have seen themselves as "pioneers" moving from their traditional homeland to explore and exploit new territory. They would have been confident and self-reliant. (Info)
  • The Iceni were open to new ideas about technology. They were one of the early tribes to adopt coinage and open a mint. (Info)
  • The Iceni were wealthy. They buried large quantities of gold around the time of Caesar's invasion and are one of the tribes listed by Caesar as paying tribute to Rome after the invasion. (Info) 
  • Aristocratic display was a feature of Icenian society. Much of the gold buried at the time of Caesar's invasions is in the form of torcs, not coins. (Info) 
  • The Iceni were hearing "stories" about Caesar's invasion of Gaul. They would have heard about the dangers of the Roman military. They would have known about the brutal supression of the Gaulish tribes. (Info) 
  • Caesar's invasion of Britain in 55 BC was a shock. The Roman preparations for a second invasion the next year shook Icenian confidence further. The Iceni decided to join the Trinovantes in negotiation with the Romans. The successful conclusion of those negotiations, and Caesar's withdrawal would have restored some of their confidence. They had learned to deal with the Romans. (Info)

 

Mapping the Imagery and its Meaning

 

We'll map the semiotics of this image as a Moderate Invention. The image is a Moderate Invention because it's complex and made up of many elements. An Amalgamation Switcher appears, further suggesting a Moderate Invention. (Info) 

 

 

 

The Stimuli

 

Icenian Exceptionalism suggests that the confident, pioneering spirit of the Iceni could be shaken by adverse news they receive. Furthermore, the Iceni have a very strong leader, whose identification is more important than the use of the normal Celtic imagery for staters.

 

Before the invasion of 55 BC: The key Stimuli are the stories the Iceni hear about the invasion of Gaul and the lack of contact with the Roman leadership.

During and after the invasion of 54 BC: The key Stimuli are the successful negotiations with the Romans and subsequent restoration of Icenian confidence.

 

Differences after the invasions of Britain are shown in Red

 

Before the invasion of 55 BC During and after the invasion of 54 BC
   
Iceni are settling their territory Iceni are settling their territory
   
Iceni are confident, pioneering people Iceni are confident, pioneering people
   
Iceni are hearing about Caesar's invasion of Gaul Iceni are confronted with Caesar's invasion of Britain
   
Iceni have not negotiated with the Romans Iceni have successfully negotiated with the Romans
   
Iceni are wealthy and have much to lose Iceni are wealthy but have lost much less than they feared
   
Iceni are uncertain about the dangers the Romans pose Iceni understand the dangers the Romans pose
   
Iceni have gold coins to send messages to the elites Iceni have gold coins to send messages to the elites
   
Iceni are apprehensive about the future Iceni are confident about the future
   

 

The Content Nebula

 

Icenian Exceptionalism suggests that the confident, pioneering spirit of the Iceni has been shaken by adverse news. A strong ruler is expected to do something about this. Furthermore, that strong leader does not want to use the normal imagery for a Celtic stater (no horse), but instead wants to be identified personally (use a wolf).

 

Before the invasion of 55 BC: The key element of the Content Nebula is that the Romans are devastating Gaulish lands on the Continent. They have seemingly vast powers that could be used against the Iceni. The ruler must do something to protect the people before the Romans invade Britain. (Info)

During and after the invasion of 54 BC: The key element is that the ruler has sucessfully negotiated with the Romans and has confidence about the future. The Romans are now a known threat, but one that can be dealt with via diplomacy. The ruler still has to convince the elites that the payment of tribute and submission of hostages was worth the loss. The devastation of Catuvellaunian territory may have provided that evidence – the Iceni were spared that disaster. (Info)

 

Differences after the invasions of Britain are shown in Red

 

Before the invasion of 55 BC During and after the invasion of 54 BC
   
Information about the invasion in Gaul is causing fear and unrest amongst the Iceni The situation is now clearly understood by the ruler, if not the people
   
The ruler and people are apprehensive about the future The ruler is now confident about the future and must convince the people
   
The ruler must protect the people The ruler has protected the people but must explain the payment of tribute to the elites
   
The ruler may have to rally the people to oppose the Romans The ruler has no military emergency to deal with
   
The ruler has much to lose if the situation isn't handled successfully The ruler has handled the situation successfully and has everything to gain if the situation can be explained to the elites
   
The ruler must obtain the support of the people The ruler must obtain the support of the elites
   

 

The Transformation and Expression Cluster

 

Before the invasion of 55 BC: The key element of the Transformation is the use of dragons as field objects attacking the laurel wreath. This is a Coded metaphor for the Romans as an enemy with undetermined, but vast powers.

During and after the invasion of 54 BC: The field objects are changed to bears. This is a Coded metaphor for the Romans as a dangerous enemy, but a known threat. The ruler now knows Rome can be dealt with via diplomacy. The switch to bears will signal the new understanding.

The key elements of the Expression Cluster will be demons attacking the laurel wreath on the obverse. The wolf on the reverse will be used to identify the ruler. The wolf is copied from die to die throughout the series with virtually no change in the appearance of the animal. (Info) This suggests the wolf element is a Replica and should be undercoded as identifying a specific, strong ruler. (Info)

 

Differences after the invasions of Britain are shown in Red

 

Before the invasion of 55 BC During and after the invasion of 54 BC
   
Use an image of a wolf to identify a strong ruler Use an image of a wolf to identify a strong and successful ruler
   
Use "dragons" attacking the wreath to identify a dangerous foe with unimaginable powers Use "bears" attacking the wreath to identify a known foe with known powers
   

 

The Sememe

 

Before the invasion of 55 BC: The key element of the Sememe is the danger to the realm and the call for support by the ruler.

During and after the invasion of 54 BC: The key element of the Sememe is the successful conclusion of negotiations to protect the realm and the call for support by the ruler.

 

Differences after the invasions of Britain are shown in Red

 

Before the invasion of 55 BC During and after the invasion of 54 BC
   
   
First Denotation obverse: Apollo wreath First Denotation obverse: Apollo wreath
   
First Connotation obverse: coin of the realm First Connotation obverse: coin of the realm
   
   
First Denotation obverse: "Dragons" attack wreath First Denotation obverse: "Bears" attack wreath
   
First Connotation obverse: realm is under attack First Connotation obverse: attack has been repelled
   
   
First Connotation obverse: "Dragons" are Romans First Connotation obverse: "Bears" are Romans
   
First Connotation obverse: Romans have unknown powers First Connotation obverse: Romans have known powers
   
   
First Denotation reverse: Wolf First Denotation reverse: Wolf
   
First Connotation reverse: ruler is identified First Connotation reverse: ruler is identified
   
   
Amalgamation Switch obverse + reverse: ruler is renowned king taking credit for dealing with Rome Amalgamation Switch obverse + reverse: ruler is renowned king taking credit for sucessfully negotiating with Rome
   
   
Second Denotation: Realm is under attack Second Denotation: Realm is no longer under attack
   
Second Connotation: Situation may be dangerous Second Connotation: Situation is no longer dangerous
   
Second Connotation: Ruler is defending the realm Second Connotation: Ruler has used diplomacy with Rome to defend the realm
   
Second Connotation: Elites need to prepare for war Second Connotation: Elites no longer need to prepare for war
   
Second Connotation: Elites may be harmed by Rome if they fail to act Second Connotation: Good relations with Rome have brought peace
   
Second Connotation: War is imminent Second Connotation: The situation has been defused
   
  Second Connotation: Good relations with Rome will bring advantages to elites
   
  Second Connotation: Good relations could begin with other tribes friendly to Rome
   
   
Third Denotation: Competent ruler Third Denotation: Competent ruler
   
Third Connotation: ruler may use military action Third Connotation: ruler has avoided military action
   
Third Connotation: military action may save the realm Third Connotation: diplomacy is better than military action
   
Third Connotation: ruler deserves support of the elites Third Connotation: ruler deserves support of the elites

 

 

Additional Thoughts

 

It's should be obvious that the entire semiotic analysis depends on the appearance of the Demons as "Bears". This must occur at a later date in the Norfolk Wolf series for the analysis to work. Thus, Bears should not appear on the "Wolf Right" sub-variety. If they can be identified on the earliest "Wolf Right" staters, then the entire semiotic analysis must be reconsidered. Authentication of coins should preceed analysis in this work – the Haslemere forger has been known to produce coins to fit the theories of scholars!

 

If the idea that Icenian confidence was restored somewhat after Caesar's departure, then further changes to that confidence could be considered. Did the failure of the Romans to re-invade Britain before 43 BC further increase Icenian confidence? Did that confidence grow to the extent that a Roman Procurator at Boudicca's doorstep created a shock that sent the Iceni into spontaneous revolt? Or, instead, had the Iceni come to know the Romans so well that they began preparations for revolt prior to 61 AD?

 

 

End

 

 

 

 

 

This article first appeared in Celtic Coinage of Britain December 2021

Additional references posted January 2022

 

 

 

 

Norfolk Wolf Stater V610-02

Norfolk Wolf Stater

V610-02

 

See Catalogue Listing for this Coin

 

 

 

 

Van Arsdell 2020d – Semiotics of Celtic Coins XVIII – We've Won the War!

See Van Arsdell 2020d

 

 

 

 

The Earliest Icenian Coins

 

The Ingoldisthorpe type stater might someday be assigned to the Iceni. Talbot noted that the type is die-linked to the Northern Westerham type, thus casting doubt on the issuing authority for either. He suggested that the two types may have been struck by an itinerant coin-maker – one serving two tribes. This is, of course, unprovable. Until the problems are sorted out, the Norfolk Wolf is still the earliest identified type for the Iceni.

Ackerman published the first Norfolk Wolf stater in 1837 – a V610-03 type. Ruding listed the same coin in 1840. Unfortunately, the wolf's head was struck off the flan and neither author could identify the animal involved. Ackerman noted: "On one side is represented an animal, which, if intended for a horse, is of a very different shape to that usually found on British coins". The first author to identify the wolf was Evans, in 1864, on a V610-01 type.

The references are:

  • Ackerman 1837b, p.222, pl. I, no. 4.
  • Evans 1864, p.71, pl. C, no. 2.
  • Ruding 1840, p.407, pl. A, no. 77.
  • Talbot 2017, p.11.

 

 

 

 

Dating

Talbot's revised dating moves the introduction of the Norfolk Wolf type from 65 BC to 55 BC. The later date fits better with the semiotic evidence, which suggests there was an emergency at the time the Norfolk Wolf type was introduced.

Talbot 2017, p. 8

 

 

 

Talbot 2017, p. 8

 

 

 

 

Talbot 2017, p. 163, Die 32 this coin.

 

 

 

 

Origin of the Bird Idea

The idea was first suggested by Kretz in 1999. Talbot mentions Kretz's work, giving it a "plausible" rating, but with no great enthusiasm. He listed another example of the phenomenon.

The references are:

  • Kretz 1999, pp. 5-6.
  • Talbot 2017, pp. 87-88.

 

There's Still Another Example:

Plated Norfolk Wolf stater from the Marks Tey Hoard 1823

The plated stater from the 1823 Marks Tey Hoard also shows a "bird", or maybe a "figure in gown advancing right with arms raised". It's above the wolf's rump (arrow), but it's just a phantom image – a pellet that's breaking up. It's neither a bird nor a Druidess.

 

 

 

 

General references for the difficulties of the archaeological record in Icenian territory are:

  • Fox,C., 1923, Archaeology of the Cambridge Region, pp. 16-20, 84-87
  • Clarke, R. R., 1939, 'The Iron Age in Norfolk and Suffolk', ArchJ, Vol. 96, pp. 3-14, 16-18, 40-43, 82-84, 88-90.
  • Clarke, R. R., 1960, East Anglia, pp. 13-27, 91-109
  • Davies, J. A., 1996, 'Where Eagles Dare', PPS, vol. 62, pp. 63-92
  • Davies, J. et al, 1991, 'The Iron Age Forts of Norfolk', EAA 54, p. 71.
  • Davies, J. A. and Williamson, T., 1999, 'Introduction: studying the Iron Age, in: Davies, J. A. and Williamson, T., Land of the Iceni, pp. 7-13.
  • Davies, J. A., 1999, 'Patterns, Power and Political Progress in Iron Age Norfolk', in: Davies, J. A. and Williamson, T., Land of the Iceni, pp. 14-43.
  • Davies, J. A., ND, but 2008, Land of Boudicca, pp. 85-132.

 

A recent assessment of the Iron Age in Icenian territory is:

  • Davies, J. A., 2011, The Iron Age in Northern East Anglia: New Work in the Land of the Iceni, BAR British Series, no. 549.

 

 

 

 

For more information about synchretism as a source of Codes for Celtic images, see:

Van Arsdell 2009b, 'Semiotics of Celtic Coins VII – The Search for Codes'

See Van Arsdell 2009b

 

 

 

 

Creation of a Piece-Out

 

When the edge of a die breaks off, the flan is no longer struck by the die in that area. The result is an unstruck, raised area on the flan, called a piece-out or "cud".

If the die is used further, pieces will continue to break off and the cud gets bigger.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

For more information about Circumstance Selectors, see: Van Arsdell 2007b, 'Semiotics of Celtic Coins II – Circumstance selectors', NCirc, Vol. 115, p. 259.

See Van Arsdell 2007b

 

 

 

 

The War in Gaul

 

Recent studies of the events of 57 to 55 BC in Gaul show the brutality of the Romans as they defeated the tribes on the Continent. Some have gone as far as suggesting genocide. Such stories must have been reported to the Britons as a caution.

Caesar states that traders had reported his activities to the Britons in 55 BC, prompting some tribes to send envoys to him.

The Britons had been informed about and traumatized by the events in Gaul. However, they still would have been uncertain about the capabilities of the Romans.

 

The references are:

  • Caesar, Gallic War, Book IV, 20-21 (Loeb pp. 205-207)
  • Cunliffe, B., 1995, English Heritage Book of the Iron Age (for a general discussion of Britain's connections to the Continent, see p. 14).
  • Cunliffe, B., 2013, Britain Begins, pp. 361-362.
  • Davies, J. A., 1996, 'Where Eagles Dare', PPS, vol. 62, p. 81.
  • Fernádez-Götz, M., et al, 2020, 'The Dark Side of the Empire: Roman expansionism between object agency and predatory regime', Antiquity, vol. 94, pp. 1634-1635.
  • Roymans, N., et al, 2020, 'Roman Imperialism and the Transformation of Rural Society in a Frontier Province: Diversifying the Narrative', Britannia, vol. 51, pp. 268-271.

 

 

 

 

The War in Gaul

 

Recent studies of the events of 57 to 55 BC in Gaul show the brutality of the Romans as they defeated the tribes on the Continent. Some have gone as far as suggesting genocide. Such stories must have been reported to the Britons as a caution.

Caesar states that traders had reported his activities to the Britons in 55 BC, prompting some tribes to send envoys to him.

The Britons had been informed about and traumatized by the events in Gaul. However, they still would have been uncertain about the capabilities of the Romans.

 

The references are:

  • Caesar, Gallic War, Book IV, 20-21 (Loeb pp. 205-207).
  • Cunliffe, B., 1995, English Heritage Book of the Iron Age (for a general discussion of Britain's connections to the Continent, see p. 14).
  • Cunliffe, B., 2013, Britain Begins, pp. 361-362.
  • Davies, J. A., 1996, 'Where Eagles Dare', PPS, vol. 62, p. 81.
  • Fernádez-Götz, M., et al, 2020, 'The Dark Side of the Empire: Roman expansionism between object agency and predatory regime', Antiquity, vol. 94, pp. 1634-1635.
  • Roymans, N., et al, 2020, 'Roman Imperialism and the Transformation of Rural Society in a Frontier Province: Diversifying the Narrative', Britannia, vol. 51, pp. 268-271.

 

 

 

 

For more information about mapping Moderate Inventions see: Van Arsdell 2019a – Semiotics of Celtic Coins XIV – Mapping Inventions

See Van Arsdell 2019a

 

 

 

 

Rectangular Enclosures

 

Several archaeological sites in East Anglia are surrounded by rectangular earthworks. These are often described as religious shrines and dated to the Iron Age or Roman period. The most famous of these enclosures, the temple at Heathrow, is a geographic outlier.

In a recent paper, J. Peterson has carefully measured several of these enclosures and compared them to the Heathrow example. He concluded that the form of these enclosures was very similar and unusual. He further suggested that all of them should be considered Roman (after 43 AD, not before).

Although the dating is not yet proven, Peterson's work should warn us about using the shrines as evidence for the time of Caesar. Also, the difference between the East Anglian enclosures and other types of Romano-Celtic temples needs study.

Consequently, the idea cannot be accepted yet that the Iceni of Caesar's time were "different" because they had a unique form of shrine. Acceptance must wait for better proof.

 

The references are:

  • Ashwin, T., and Bates, S., 2000, Excavations on the Norwich Southern Bypass, 1989-91, Part I: Excavations at Bixley, Caistor St Edmund, Trowse, Cringleford and Little Melton, EAA 91, pp. 117-123, 138-139, 180-182.
  • Cunliffe 2017, pp. 565.
  • Davies, J., 1996, 'Where Eagles Dare: the Iron Age of Norfolk', PPS, vol. 62, p. 77.
  • Davies, J., 1999, 'Patterns, Power and Political Progress in Iron Age Norfolk', in: Davies, J, and Williamson, T, Land of Iceni – The iron Age in Northern East Anglia, pp. 32-33.
  • Davies, J. ND (2008), The Land of Boudicca, pp. 90, 92-93.
  • Grimes, W., and Close-Brooks, L., 1993, 'The Excavation of Caesar's Camp, Heathrow, Harmondsworth, Middlesex, 1944', PPS, vol. 59, pp. 312-318.
  • Gregory, T, and Gurney, D. 1986, Excavations at Thornham Warham, Wighton and Caistor, Norfolk, EAA 30, tentative plan of an enclosure: pp. 3-8, possible rectangular enclosure: pp. 27-29, general survey of rectangular enclosures: pp. 32-35.
  • Gregory, T., 1992, Excavations in Thetford, 1980-1982, Fison Way, EAA 53, discussion of an elaborate rectangular structure, pp. 88-111, Fig. 83.
  • Hutcheson, N., 2011, 'Excavations at Snettisham, Norfolk, 2004: Re-investigating the past', in: Davies, J., The Iron Age in Northern East Anglia: New Work in the Land of the Iceni, BAR British Series 549, pp. 41-48.
  • Martin, E., 1993, Settlements on Hill-Tops: Seven Prehistoric Sites in Suffolk, EAA 65, pp. 1-13.
  • Peterson, J., 2013, 'A Tale of Two temples: Measurement of the Shrines at Harwood Farm and Heathrow', The Annual (Bulletin of the Norfolk Archaeological and Historical Research Group), no. 22, pp. 43-56.

 

 

 

 

Horses and the Iceni

 

There certainly is no question that the Iceni prized their horses and chariots. The first three references make this abundantly clear.

However, horses figure importantly in almost all other Celtic cultures. The second group of references give some of the evidence for other parts of Britain. One reference (Dessewffy) illustrates how horses were used on coins throughout Europe.

It would be wrong to view the importance of horses as uniquely Icenian. We should not use the idea when looking for Stimuli unique to the Iceni.

 

The references are:

 

The Iceni:

  • Cunliffe 2005, pp. 197-199
  • Davies, J., ND (2008), The Land of Boudicca, pp. 109-110.
  • Harlow, N., 2021, Belonging and Belongings – Portable artefacts and identity in the civitas of the Iceni, BAR British Series 664, pp. 183-208.

 

Other Britons:

  • Cunliffe, B., 1995, Danebury an Iron Age Hillfort in Hampshire, vol. 6, A hillfort community in perspective. (see index for sections on harness fittings and horses)
  • Cunliffe, B., and Poole, C., 2000, Bury Hill, Upper Clatford, Hants, 1990, Danebury Environs Programme, vol. 2, part 2, pp. 80-81.
  • Dessewffy, M., 1910, Barbár Pénzei. (early survey of Celtic coinage throughout Europe – note the appearance of horses on coins everywhere)
  • Mortimer, J., 1905, Forty Years Researches – British and Saxon Burial Mounds of East Yorkshire, (see index for chariot burials, horse remains and horse trappings in burials).
  • Stead, I, 1965, The La Têne Cultures of Eastern Yorkshire.
  • Stead, I, 1991, Iron Age Cemeteries in East Yorkshire.
  • Wainwright, G., 1979, Gussage All Saints – An Iron Age Settlement in Dorset, pp. 125-149.

 

 

 

 

New Agricultural Practices

 

The Settlement of Icenian territory was gradual, involving people moving in from the west. The river valleys, where agriculture was possible with early ploughs, were settled first. Then the heavier clays of the uplands were slowly settled. This process was not completed until better ploughs were introduced.

The key problem is dating. An improved plough was not introduced until Roman times. At at time of Caesar's invasion, no "agricultural revolution" can be claimed.

Thus, important changes in agricultural practices should not be a source of Stimuli for the semiotic analysis.

 

The references are:

NB: There are no specific references for finds of ploughs in Icenian territory, thus the search for evidence of the introduction of improved ploughs must be enlarged to include all of the British Isles.

  • Cunliffe 2005, pp. 197-199, 432.
  • Davies, J., 1999, 'Patterns, Power and Political Progress in Iron Age Norfolk', in: Davies, J, and Williamson, T, Land of Iceni – The Iron Age in Northern East Anglia, pp. 68-70, 432.
  • Davies, J., ND (2008), The Land of Boudicca, pp. 119-127.
  • Fenton, A., 1965, 'Early and Traditional Cultivating Implements in Scotland', Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, vol. 96. pp. 264-317.
  • Frere, S., 1987, Britannia, 3e., pp. 269-270.
  • Manning, W., 1964, 'The Plough in Roman Britain', JRS, vol. 54, pp. 54-65.
  • Payne, F., 1947, 'The Plough in Ancient Britain', ArchJ, vol. 104, pp. 82-111. (NB: see discussion pp. 62-63, refuting the idea that an Iron Age plough from Bigbury is an example of an improved plough; but confirms the Roman date of the Twyford Down example)
  • Salway, P., 1981, Roman Britain, pp. 622-624.
  • Salway, P., 1981, Oxford Illustrated History of Roman Britain, pp. 114-115, 376-377, 434-435.
  • Stuart, J., and Birkbeck, J., 1937, 'A Celtic Village on Twyford Down Excavated 1933-1934', PHFC, vol. 13, pp. 188-207 (see p. 190 for information about the use of the improved plough and the find of a plough at the site).
  • Wiltshire, E., and Murphy, P., 1999, 'Current Knowledge of the Iron Age Environment and Agrarian Economy of Norfolk and Adjacent Areas', in: Davies, J, and Williamson, T, Land of Iceni – The iron Age in Northern East Anglia, pp. 132-161.

 

 

 

New Pottery Production Methods

 

The key issue is whether the introduction of the potter's wheel happened after the Gallic War. If this is the case, we cannot suggest a profound change in production techniques. Such a change could have produced turmoil amongst craftworkers, one that should be added to the Stimuli received by the Icenian rulers.

No specific date has been offered for the introduction of the potter's wheel in Icenian territory. Generally, the introduction in southern Britain is linked to the appearance of Aylesford-Swarling pottery, sometime during the middle of the 1st Century BC. But it cannot be assumed the Iceni saw the potter's wheel at the time of Caesar's invasions. Recently, Sutton has argued that the introduction was a complex and drawn-out process throughout southern Britain during the mid-late 1st century BC. Furthermore, no disruptive revolution need have occurred.

Consequently, the introduction of the potter's wheel and a consequent disruption in craftwork should not be included amongst the Stimuli.

 

The References are:

  • Cunliffe 2005, pp. 116-117,
  • Hawkes, C., 1933, 'Runcton Holme, Part II. The Second Occupation: A Peasant Settlement of the Iceni', Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society of East Anglia, Vol. VII-Part II, p. 235. (for an early view of the situation)
  • Percival, S., 1999, 'Iron Age Pottery in Norfolk', in:Davies, J, and Williamson, T, Land of Iceni – The Iron Age in Northern East Anglia, pp. 179-182.
  • Sutton, A., 2020, 'Revolutions: the introduction of the potter's wheel to southern Britain, and its implications for understanding Late Iron Age societies', ArchJ, vol. 177, pp. 214-255. (see especially pp. 233-240, for a discussion of the complex and drawn-out introduction of the potter's wheel throughout southern Britain.

 

 

 

 

The "Pioneering Spirit" of the Iceni

 

Icenian territory wasn't completely settled at the time of Caesar's invasions. Settling the higher elevations took place later as people learned to work the heavier soils. The process wasn't completed until Roman times.

Consequently, many of the Iceni were relative newcomers, compared to other regions of Britain. They would have been people who had left their ancestral homes in search of better opportunites, or descendants of these "pioneers".

 

The References are:

  • Ashwin, T., 1999, 'Studying Iron Age Settlement in Norfolk', in: Davies, J, and Williamson, T, Land of Iceni – The iron Age in Northern East Anglia, pp. 100-124.
  • Clarke, R. R., 1939, 'The Iron Age in Norfolk and Suffolk', ArchJ, Vol. 96, pp. 40-43.
  • Cunliffe 2005, pp. 197-199.
  • Davies, J. A., 1996, 'Where Eagles Dare', PPS, vol. 62, pp. 68-70.
  • Hawkes, C., 1933, 'Runcton Holme, Part II. The Second Occupation: A Peasant Settlement of the Iceni', Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society of East Anglia, Vol. VII-Part II, pp. 233-234. (for an early view of the situation)

 

 

 

 

Technical Innovation

 

The Iceni were one of the earliest groups in Britain to adopt coinage, and to mint their own coins. Metalwork found in Icenian territory shows technical knowledge and skill.

A Selection of References are:

  • Brailsford, J. and Stapley, J., 1972, 'The Ipswich Torcs', PPS, vol. 38, pp. 219-228, pls. 21-28. (technical examination, pp. 228-234.)
  • Northover, P., 1995, 'The Technology of Metalwork', in: Green, M. (ed.), The Celtic World, pp. 303-305.
  • Talbot 2017, pp. 64-83.

 

For a discussion of an Icenian mint site (dated to the 1st Century AD, not the time of Caesar's invasions) see: Gregory, T., 1992, Excavations in Thetford, 1980-1982, Fison Way, pp. 119, 139-142, 196, 200.

 

 

 

 

Icenian Wealth

 

Perhaps the best measure of Icenian wealth is the volume of coinage produced. Talbot decribes the coinage as "substantial" based on the number of dies identified so far.

Finds of metalwork, gold torcs, and evidence for horses and chariots, add to the general impression of wealth.

One discordant note must be kept in mind: Cicero, in a letter to Trebatius wrote: "I hear there is not an ounce of either gold or silver in Britain." Copius modern finds of gold from the mid-First Century BC, would tend to refute him – the Iceni must have prevented Caesar from getting much of their wealth.

Brailsford's suggestion that the majority of the people were very poor (Brailsford and Stapley 1972, p. 227) must be tempered with the low survival rate of archaeological materials in acidic soils and the difficulty of excavation in heavy clays. The comment also does not take into account the copious finds of bronze objects found over the last 200 years.

 

A Selection of References are:

  • Brailsford, J. and Stapley, J., 1972, 'The Ipswich Torcs', PPS, vol. 38, pp. 219-228, pls. 21-28. (dating evidence, p. 226)
  • Bulwer, J., 1847, 'Notice of a Gold Torques Found in the Parish of Foulsham', Norfolk Archaeology, vol. 1, pp. 231-238.
  • Cicero, Letters to Friends, 28 (VII.7) (Loeb, Cicero, Letters to Friends, vol. 1, p. 191).
  • Clarke, R., 1939, 'The Iron Age in Norfolk and Suffolk', ArchJ, vol. 96, pp. 68-75.
  • Clarke, R., 1951, 'A Hoard of Metalwork of the Early Iron Age from Ringstead, Norfolk', PPS, vol. 17, pp. 214-225. (Clarke dated the deposition of the hoard after 50 BC, p. 219)
  • Clarke, R., 1955, 'The Early Iron Age Treasure from Snettisham', PPS, Vol. 20, pp. 27-86.
  • Cunliffe 1991, Iron Age Communities in Britain, 3e., pp. 149, 157.
  • Cunliffe 2005, pp. 197-199.
  • Davies, J. A., 1996, 'Where Eagles Dare', PPS, vol. 62, pp. 71-73.
  • Davies, J., ND (2008), The Land of Boudicca, pp. 74-84, 100-106.
  • Fox, C., 1923, Archaeology of the Cambridge Region, pp. 104-109.
  • Hutcheson, N., 2011, 'Excavations at Snettisham, Norfolk, 2004: Re-investigating the past', in: Davies, J. The Iron Age in Northern East Anglia: New Work in the land of the Iceni, BAR British Series 549, pp. 41-48.
  • Maryon, H., 1944, 'The Bawsey Torc', AntJ, vol. 24, pp. 149-151.
  • Owles, E., 1969, 'The Ipswich Gold Torcs', PPS, vol. 43, pp. 208-212, pls. 30-31. (dating, p. 210)
  • Sealey, P., 1979, 'The Later History of Icenian Electrum Torcs', PPS, vol. 45, pp. 165-178.
  • Stead, I., 1991, 'The Snetisham Treasure: excavations in 1990', Antiquity, vol. 65, pp. 447-464.
  • Talbot 2017, p. 65.

 

 

 

 

Aristocratic Display

 

Gold torcs, elaborate chariot fittings and other metalwork found in Norfolk and Suffolk amply demonstrate Icenian aristocratic display. Davies (1999) and Cunliffe (1991) have both commented that no other tribal territory has yielded such an impressive array of objects.

Snettisham gives the best evidence dating the torcs to the time of Caesar's invasions. But Dio should also caution us that they were in use a hundred years later.

 

A few of the many references include:

  • Brailsford, J. and Stapley, J., 1972, 'The Ipswich Torcs', PPS, vol. 38, pp. 219-234, pls. 21-28. (dating evidence, p.226)
  • Clarke, R., 1939, 'The Iron Age in Norfolk and Suffolk', ArchJ, vol. 96, pp. 63-75, 100, 110.
  • Clarke, R., 1951, 'A Hoard of Metalwork of the Early Iron Age from Ringstead, Norfolk', PPS, vol. 17, pp. 214-225. (Clarke dated the deposition of the hoard after 50 BC, p. 219)
  • Clarke, R., 1955, 'The Early Iron Age Treasure from Snettisham', PPS, Vol. 20, pp. 27-86
  • Cunliffe 1991, Iron Age Communities in Britain, 3e., pp. 149, 157.
  • Cunliffe 2005, pp. 197-199.
  • Davies, J. A., 1996, 'Where Eagles Dare', PPS, vol. 62, pp. 71-73.
  • Davies, J., ND (2008), The Land of Boudicca, pp. 74-84, 100-106.
  • Dio Cassius, Roman History, Book LXII, 3 (Loeb, vol. 8, p. 85).
  • Fox, C., 1923, Archaeology of the Cambridge Region, pp. 104-109.
  • Grigson, W., 1849, Norfolk Archaeology, vol. 2, pp. 398-400, figs 1-8.
  • Kemble, J., 1863, Horae Ferales. pp. 180, 194-196, pls. XIX, XX.
  • Martin, E., 1999, 'Suffolk in the Iron Age', in: Davies, J, and Williamson, T, Land of Iceni – The Iron Age in Northern East Anglia, pp. 63, 83.
  • Maryon, H., 1944, 'The Bawsey Torc', AntJ, vol. 24, pp. 149-151.
  • Owles, E., 1969, 'The Ipswich Gold Torcs', PPS, vol. 43, pp. 208-212, pls. 30-31. (dating, p. 210)
  • Sealey, P., 1979, 'The Later History of Icenian Electrum Torcs', PPS, vol. 45, pp. 165-178.
  • Stead, I., 1991, 'The Snetisham Treasure: excavations in 1990', Antiquity, vol. 65, pp. 447-464.

 

For an extensive list of earlier references, by archaeological site, see Clarke, R., 1939, 'The Iron Age in Norfolk and Suffolk', ArchJ, vol. 96, pp. 91-113 (Gazetteer).

 

 

 

 

The War in Gaul

 

Recent studies of the events of 57 to 55 BC in Gaul show the brutality of the Romans as they defeated the tribes on the Continent. Some have gone as far as suggesting genocide. Such stories must have been reported to the Britons as a caution.

Caesar states that traders had reported his activities to the Britons in 55 BC, prompting some tribes to send envoys to him.

The Britons had been informed about and traumatized by the events in Gaul. However, they still would have been uncertain about the capabilities of the Romans.

 

The references are:

  • Caesar, Gallic War, Book IV, 20-21 (Loeb pp. 205-207).
  • Cunliffe, B., 1995, English Heritage Book of the Iron Age (for a general discussion of Britain's connections to the Continent, see p. 14).
  • Cunliffe, B., 2013, Britain Begins, pp. 361-362.
  • Davies, J. A., 1996, 'Where Eagles Dare', PPS, vol. 62, p. 81.
  • Fernádez-Götz, M., et al, 2020, 'The Dark Side of the Empire: Roman expansionism between object agency and predatory regime', Antiquity, vol. 94, pp. 1634-1635.
  • Roymans, N., et al, 2020, 'Roman Imperialism and the Transformation of Rural Society in a Frontier Province: Diversifying the Narrative', Britannia, vol. 51, pp. 268-271.

 

 

 

 

 

References for the invasion of 54 BC

 

For a general summary of the invasion of 54 BC, see: Cunliffe, B., 2005, pp. 138-140

 

The ancient sources include:

  • Caesar, Gallic War, Book V, 4-23 (Loeb pp. 239-263).
  • Cicero, Letters to Atticus, Letter 92, (IV.18) (Loeb p. 9-10).
  • Cicero, Letters to Friends, Letter 28 (VII.7) (Loeb p. 9).
  • Cicero, Letters to his brother Brutus, Letter III, 1 (Loeb pp. 559, 561, 571).
  • Dio Cassius, Roman History, Book XL, 2-3 (Loeb pp. 410-411).

 

Whether the Britons ever paid Casear's tributes was debated in the early 20th century – for a discussion see: Van Arsdell 2020d

 

 

 

 

For more information about Replicas and the need for undercoding, see: Van Arsdell 2015f, Semiotics of Celtic Coins XI – Producing and Interpreting Replicas.

See Van Arsdell 2015f

 

 

 

 

Details of the Coding

 

Kretz has suggested the change from Wolf-right to Wolf-left is the work of a die-cutter copying a coin image directly onto a die. If this is correct, the change in direction does not change the Coding.

See Kretz 1999, pp. 4-5 for comments about the switch from Wolf-right to Wolf-left.

 

Another suggestion might be that it signals a decrease in gold content. If this is correct, then an added Code for the wolf is the intrinsic value of the coin (but presumably, only mint-workers would know this)

See Talbot 2017, table 4.16, p. 73 for the gold content data.

 

 

 

 

Icenian Exceptionalism

 

The idea that the people of East Anglia "do different" is imbedded in the literature for over a century.

Clarke noted: "East Anglia is relatively poor in military accoutrements, but extraordinrarily rich in objects of personal adornment".

Fox, after decades of work, declared the Iceni, both the ruling elites and the common people, were "isolationists" and "aloof".

 

For more information, see:

 

  • Clarke, R., 1939, 'The Iron Age in Norfolk and Suffolk', ArchJ, vol. 96, p. 85. (NB: Clarke's comment referred to the Iceni of 61 AD, but suggested this had evolved from earlier times)
  • Clarke, R., 1960, East Anglia, p. 104.
  • Cunliffe 1991, Iron Age Communities in Britain, 3e., pp. 149, 157.
  • Cunliffe 2005, pp. 197-199.
  • Davies, J. A., 1996, 'Where Eagles Dare', PPS, vol. 62, pp. 63-71.
  • Davies, J., 1999, 'Patterns, Power and Political Progress in Iron Age Norfolk', in: Davies, J, and Williamson, T, Land of Iceni – The Iron Age in Northern East Anglia, pp. 14-19.
  • Davies, J., ND (2008), The Land of Boudicca, pp. 109-115.
  • Davies, J., 2011, 'Closing thoughts', in: Davies, J., ed., The Iron Age in Northern East Anglia: New Work in the Land of the Iceni, pp. 103-105.
  • Fox, C., 1958, Pattern and Purpose – A survey of Early Celtic Art in Britain, pp. 70, 145.

 

Copyright R. D. Van Arsdell 2017