Celtic Coinage of Britain

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Verica Stater Reverses V500 and V520

 

 

 

Numismatic Articles

Van Arsdell 2023a   (Info)

 

Semiotics of Celtic Coins XX –  Verica Rolls the Dice

By Robert D. Van Arsdell

 

 

Introduction

 

In the middle of his reign, Verica changed all the images on his gold staters. This was a radical change. It suggests he faced a problem and had to do something about it. We know from Dio that he was deposed and fled to Rome a few years later. So whatever he tried – it didn't work.

The old images had been introduced forty years before, by Tincomarus. Verica, for his first two coinages, used these old images. They had become an immobilized type by the middle of his reign. The reverses showed a warrior-on-horseback brandishing a spear. It was an image of power and domination – one designed to show the king as a formidable leader. This was a standard legitimization-of-power claim. (Info)

The new images present a very different ruler. It's curious that more hasn't been made of this change. (Background) After all, the new images were striking. The vine-leaf obverse was entirely new and there were subtle changes to the equestrian figure on the reverse.

 

What made Verica replace the immobilized type?

 

By the middle of his reign, Verica was an old man – probably losing grip on power.

Decades before, his brother Tincomarus had faced a revolt. Tincomarus asserted his power with a threat. The equestrian figure, a fierce warrior, proclaimed Tincomarus had the power to destroy his foes. The ploy failed, he was deposed and fled to Rome. (Info)

Verica likely concluded that a weakened leader would fail to assert power with mere imagery. He would have to try something more subtle, more persuasive if he was to keep the throne.

Thus, the Third Coinage of Verica should show us something with dramatic impact, yet subtle in its messaging. Semiotic analysis lets us unravel this story. We start by looking at the images.

 

Origin of the Horseman Image

 

The equestrian figure first appeared on the Second Coinage staters of Tincomarus, sometime in the 20s BC. This was a borrowed image. (Info) The prototype was identified by Evans in 1864 as a Roman denarius of P. Crepusius. (Info)

The horseman was used until the end of Tincomarus' reign. It was briefly dropped during the next ruler, Eppillus, but was promptly reinstated by Verica around 10 AD. Verica used the image for the next 15 years. By 25 AD, it had become an immobilized type.

Suddenly, with his Third Coinage staters, Verica changed everything. He needed to send a new message to his followers. The new equestrian image doesn't appear to have been copied from a Roman prototype. It was purposely created for Verica's new coins. (Info)

 

A New Look for the Obverse

 

Obverses of Verica's Second and Third Coinage Staters

The new obverse image was bold. Verica replaced the COM.F tablet with a vine leaf and his name.

The vine leaf proclaimed prosperity and reminded the elites of Verica's ties to Rome. The VIRI asserted that Verica had created that prosperity.

Also, by this time, Commius was receding from living memory. Verica didn't need to emphasize Commius as much – he could be relegated to "COF" on the other side of the coin.

 

 

A New Look for the Horseman

 

Reverses of Verica's Second and Third Coinages Staters

Verica put all the subtlety on the reverse. He made minor, but important changes to the equestrian figure. A simple assertion of power wasn't working any more. Times had changed and he needed a better message to secure his claim to kingship.

He replaced the warrior brandishing a spear with a more relaxed warrior. Verica's new warrior looks more like a horseman in a parade. He's confident and successful – as Verica may have felt as a old man. The horseman doesn't have to engage in warfare anymore, he's made his mark and knows what's best for his elites.

The COF reminded everyone of Verica's link to a successful dynasty.

 

 

The Semiotic Analysis

 

Are the images Replicas or Moderate Inventions?

 

The images on all of Verica's staters are complex – made up of multiple elements with many Amalgamation Switches. They must relate complicated messages.

Because Verica's two early staters used immobilized types, we might mistake them for Replicas. However, the Tincomarus originals were complex concoctions and were thus Moderate Inventions. Consequently, Verica's first two coinages continued using Moderate Inventions.

When Verica changed his imagery on the Third Coinage, he continued the complexity. But the new images accomplished two things in addition:

  1. The obverse immediately commanded attention and prompted the viewer to look for changes on the reverse.
  2. The reverse signaled the important shift in messaging. The more relaxed Parade Horseman gave the rest of the story – a statesman who knew how to deal with Rome and bring prosperity to his people.

All these images should be analyzed as Moderate Inventions.

 

 

 

Do the images use borrowed codes?

 

Tincomarus introduced the Warrior image twenty or thirty years before Verica became King. The Roman prototype had been struck in 82 B.C., another fifty years earlier. It's unlikely either ruler borrowed the Roman code for the image – or even knew the Code.

It's also unlikely that the horseman was intended as the Divine Rider – that it had a religious component borrowed from Roman mythology. The Devine Rider type had fallen out of favour on Roman denarii before the time of Tincomarus. It's more likely that Tincomarus liked the image and gave it a new code (a simple assertion of power).

When Verica came to the throne, he initially continued Tincomarus' Warrior Horse. He could use the this image and expect his elites would not only know the meaning of the horseman, but would notice if he changed anything.

Later, when conditions became unstable, he needed to replace the image. The Roman emperors had come to prefer the Parade Horse for their official images. It promoted them as statesmen and benefactors, rather than ruthless dictators. Verica likely knew of this new preference and changed his imagery to conform to Roman practice. In doing this, he would be emphasizing his role as statesman and benefactor, rather than a powerful despot.   (Info) 

There is no denarius that can be offered as a obvious prototype for the new image – Verica came to know of the Parade Horse by some other source of inspiration. Perhaps he learned of it directly from the Roman emperors.

The vine leaf appears to be a British innovation entirely – no plausible Roman prototype has been suggested. It likely suggests "the wealth of the realm".

 

Circumstance Selectors

 

The Selector for the image creator is Verica, who is sending direct messages to his people. The Selector for the audience would be Verica's wealthy elites, the only people likely to handle gold coins.

 

The Stimuli

 

The unsettled political conditions of the time give us the key stimuli. These are more complex than they appear at first. We know that Verica was deposed and exiled to Rome after the introduction of the Third Coinage. Thus, there would have been unsettled conditions in southern Britain. But the Atrebatic rulers were likely friendly kings of the emperor in Rome. Caligula was on the throne in the late 30s AD, soon to be deposed. Unsettled conditions in both lands would be particularly risky for a friendly king.

As Braund points out, a friendly king would have both friends and enemies at Rome. The Roman emperor would, in turn, have enemies who would try to build alliances overseas against the friendly king. The situation was always dangerous – especially for the friendly king. Verica likely became caught up in intriges in both Britain and Rome. (Info)

We can be certain, as well, that Verica knew all the details of the exile of Tincomarus. Tincomarus had probably faced the same kinds of intrigues. Verica would have been anxious not to repeat Tincomarus' mistakes.

The wealth of the Atrebates and other groups south of the Thames should also added to the Stimuli. Wealth would have increased the influence of the elites while giving them something to protect. The elites would have been important allies in maintaining Verica's throne. He had to cultivate their support carefully. (Info)

 

The Key Stimuli:

 

  1. The story of Tincomarus: Tincomarus likely threatened his enemies in Britain. He'd placed menacing images on his coins, but this didn't frighten them. The mistake only made matters worse. (Info)
  2. Tincomarus had been deposed and exiled. (Info)
  3. Verica had enemies at home and was in danger of losing his throne. (Info)
  4. Conditions in Rome were unsettled and Rome's intentions towards Britain were problematic. (Info)
  5. The Atrebatic elites were wealthy and had much to lose if Verica mishandled the situation

 

The Content Nebula

 

Key aspects of the Content Nebula include:

 

  1. Verica is faced with intrigues in both Rome and Britain
  2. Verica must placate his elites to secure his continued rule
  3. Verica's elites are wealthy and may fear for their future prosperity
  4. Verica has an opportunity to solidify his bond with his elites
  5. Both Verica and his elites are faced with a possible Roman invasion
  6. Verica must convince his elites that he is the leader who can handle this situation
  7. Verica must do something – but not repeat Tincomarus' mistakes
  8. Verica has an attractive image to borrow: the Roman Parade Horse that conveys a message of statesmanship
  9. The Parade Horse also suggests that Verica is savvy to current Roman practices
  10. The Parade Horse also reminds Verica's elites that he has been a "friendly king" for many years.
  11. Verica has the image of a vine leaf to remind his elites that the wine trade is only one of the benefits he has provided

 

The Transformation and Expression Cluster

 

Use the image of the vine leaf to attract the attention of the elites to a new message. The Code is one of wealth and prosperity.

Use the Roman "Parade Horse" imagery to send a special message to the elites. The Code is the parade horseman is Verica, a statesman and provider of prosperity to the elites.

 

The Partial Sememe

 

Differences after the introduction of the Third Coinage are shown in Red

 

Warrior Horse Staters Parade Horse Staters
   
First Denotation obverse: ComF in Box First Denotation obverse: Vine Leaf
   
First Connotation obverse: ruler is Son of Commius First Connotation obverse: wealth of the realm
   
  First Denotation obverse: VI RI
   
  First Connotation obverse: ruler is Verica
   
  Amalgamation Switch: Verica is creating the wealth of the realm
   
First Denotation reverse: Warrior Horse First Denotation reverse: Parade Horse
   
First Connotation reverse: powerful ruler First Connotation reverse: statesman, protector and creator of wealth
   
  First Connotation reverse: ruler is knowledgable about current Roman customs and practices
   
First Denotation reverse: VIR REX First Denotation reverse: COF
   
First Connotation reverse: ruler is Verica First Connotation reverse: Ruler is son of Commius
   
   
First Denotation reverse: Title "REX"
   
First Connotation reverse: ruler is "Friendly King" aligned with Rome
   
   
Complex Amalgamation Switches (both sides of coin): ruler is powerful and son of an esteemed ancestor Complex Amalgamation Switches (both sides of coin): ruler is statesman, protector and creator of wealth, one who knows how to deal with Rome and son of an esteemed ancestor
   
   
Second Denotation: Powerful ruler Second Denotation: Reliable, experienced ruler
   
Second Connotation: ruler has support of Rome Second Connotation: ruler has support of Rome
   
Second Connotation: ruler can call on Rome for help Second Connotation: ruler can call on Rome for help
   
Third Denotation: effective ruler Third Denotation: effective ruler
   
Third Connotation: ruler can crush revolts against his realm Third Connotation: ruler is best person to deal with the current, dangerous situation
   
Third Connotation: demands support of elites Third Connotation: ruler deserves support of elites

 

 

Summary

 

Tincomarus assertion of power had failed and resulted in his exile many years before.

Verica tried a different approach. He tried to convince his elites that he was no despot, but a statesman and benefactor who had the experience to deal with a dangerous situation. This was an appropriate message to send to his elites.

The fact that Verica was also deposed does not detract from the sophistication of his messaging. There are limits to the effectiveness of propaganda, and rulers can be overwhelmed by circumstances.

 

Further Possibilities for Research

 

The Sememe given above was described as a "Partial Sememe" because additional semiotic analysis could expand it considerably.

No consideration was given to the idea that the horse image could have a religious component. The Denotation and Connotations of the religious interactions between the ruler and his elites would expand the Sememe. Archaeological and numismatic information from the religious sites at Wanborough, Hayling Island, Farley Heath, Waltham St. Lawrence, etc. could expand it even further.

The role of Verica as a "Friendly King" could be analyzed to expand the Denotations and Connotations regarding his relationship with his elites.

Further analysis of the unsettled conditions at Rome could be used to revise the Sememe, as well.

Semiotic analysis offers future workers many opportunities for original research.

 

END

 

 

 

 

This article first appeared in Celtic Coinage of Britain August, 2023

 

 

 

 

For a another example of legitimization of power see: Van Arsdell 2020a Tasciovanus Goat Type (towards the end of the article and also the Summary).

 

 

 

 

Barbarous Imitations – Why look further?

 

Akerman 1849 Map

 

Akerman's 1840s publications identified the coinage of Verica and introduced the first coin-distribution map, but...

 

In 1849, Akerman asserted that British coins were crude and incompetent. Researchers would hold this opinion for the next hundred years. There was no reason to take the images seriously. They could help identify rulers and kingdoms, but there was certainly no deeper meaning.

Everyone assumed Verica's die-cutters simply copied Roman coins. They showed little skill, much less creativity.

The problem starts with Akerman's landmark article in Archaeologia (the first with a map of coin findspots).

He wrote: "The clannish feeling which existed and still exists among the Celtic races is unfriendly to the spread of civilization." (Akerman 1849c, p. 178).

He goes on to identify Verica with the Bericus of Dio (Akerman 1849c, p. 183). Finally, he concludes: "If we compare the denarius of the Gens Marcia with the equestrian figure on the reverse, with the coins inscribed TINC. or VIRI. we shall perceive as close a resemblance as may usually be traced between a well-executed model and a barbarous imitation." (Akerman 1849c, pp. 185-186).

Akerman was dealing with the basic attribution of British Celtic coins, not the semiotics of the imagery. But the assumption that the coins were barbaric imitations did not set the stage for intense scrutiny.

In 1864, Evans questioned Akerman's Verica = Bericus equation (Evans 1864, 170). He didn't look for any meaning in the changing imagery. In 1890, he described the equestrian figure's horse-trappings in detail, but didn't suggest any significance to the change in the form of the figure (Evans 1890, pp. 511-514, pl. XIX, nos. 3, 5 and 6).

As late as 1944, Allen could still write: "Verica's coins exhibit the same lack of imagination as characterizes all those of the southern kingdom". Noting the rulers never managed to enlarge their territory, he added: "This unadventurous policy is paralled by the lack of imagination in its coins, and the kingdom is marked by a subservience of the Celtic spirit to Rome. The skill of its workmen is that of the copyist, who has not entirely absorbed the technique of his master." (Allen, 1944, pp. 10-11).

Even in Allen's final article, he continued to disparage the imagery on Verica's staters. (Allen and Haselgrove 1979, p.2)

There was no reason to look for sophistication in the messages.

 

 

 

 

Van Arsdell 2020b, Semiotics of Celtic Coins XVII - Tincomarus Rolls the Dice.

 

 

 

 

P. Crepusius denarius and Verica Second Coinage stater reverses.

 

Above: Stater of P. Crepusius, Crawford 361 and Verica Second Coinage stater, V520.

 

Origin of the Horseman Image

 

Below: Discussion about Tincomarus' introduction of the equestrian image in Evans 1864, pp. 162-163

 

Evans 1864 p. 162 P. Crepusius Prototype

 

Evans 1864 p. 163 P. Crepusius Prototype

 

 

For other early discussions of the horseman image on the coins, see:

  • Akerman 1846, pp. 185-186, pl. 21.
  • Smith, C., 1848, Collectanea Antigua, vol. 1, pp. 10-12, pl. 7 (Sussex).

 

For a discussion of the later, Third Coinage image as a "parade horse", see:

  • Brilliant 1963, pp. 46-58.
  • Brilliant R., 1974, Roman Art, pp. 114-116.

 

For general discussions of the possible religious meanings of the horseman image, see:

  • Green 1986, pp. 58-63, 116-118, 136, 171-175.
  • Green 1989, pp. 109-110, 124-129.
  • Green 1992b, pp. 73-87, 156-161, 207-210.
  • Mackintosh, M., 1995, The Devine Rider in the Art of the Western Roman Empire, BAR International Series, no. 607. (for details see: pp. 15-17)
  • Megaw and Megaw 1989, pp. 177-181.

 

 

 

 

The New Equestrian Image

 

Allen noted the change in the equestrian image carefully in 1958. He describes the "parade horseman" in considerable detail. However, he did not suggest that the change had any meaning.

For more information see: Allen 1958a, pp. 48-50, pl. 2.

 

For a discussion of the image as a "parade horse", see:

  • Brilliant 1963, pp. 46-58.
  • Brilliant R., 1974, Roman Art, pp. 114-116.

 

Roman Prototypes are lacking

 

A search (for this article) of possible Roman prototypes for the equestrian parade figure on Verica's third coinage turned up several coins with vaguely similiar images. But none of these are convincing prototypes. Also, several intaglios had vaguely similar images, but again, no convincing prototypes.

 

The Roman coins with similar images are:

  • Grueber, Coins of the Roman Republic in the British Museum 1970, pl. 29, no. 18; pl. 46, nos. 2-8; pl. 50, nos. 12-13; pl. 109, nos. 13-14.
  • Sydenham, E., 1952, coins 828, 830B, 919.

 

The intaglios with similar images are:

  • Henig, M., 2007, A Corpus of Roman Engraved Gemstone from British Sites, BAR British Series 8, Gems 33, 109, 110, 519 (the last two closer to P. Crepusius imagery).
  • Richter, G., 1971, Engraved Gems of the Romans, Gems 45, 46, 47, 544 (all closer to P. Crepusius imagery).

 

 

 

 

For a discussion of the Roman prototype see:

 

  • Crawford, M., 1983, Roman Republican Coinage, p. 375, coin 361, P. Crepusius, pl. 47, no. 361/1 C.

 

For a discussion of the Divine Rider, Warrior Horse and Parade Horse see:

 

  • Mackintosh, M., 1995, The Devine Rider in the Art of the Western Roman Empire, BAR International Series, no. 607. (for details see: pp. 15-17)
  • Brilliant 1963, pp. 46-58.
  • Brilliant, R., 1974, Roman Art, pp. 114-116.
  • Rodwell, W, 1973, "An Ususual Pottery Bowl from Kelvedon, Essex', Britannia, vol. 4, pp. 265-267."
  • Rodwell, K., 1988, The Prehistoric and Roman settlement at Kelvedon, Essex, CBA Report no. 6, pp.107-110.

 

 

 

 

For more information see:

 

  • Braund 1984, Rome and the Friendly King, for a detailed discussion of the relationship between friendly kings and Roman emperors. For Verica, specifically: pp. 39-40, 124-125.
  • Salway 1981, Roman Britain, pp. 56-57.
  • Braund, D., 1989, 'Ideology, Subsidies and Trade: The King on the Northern Frontier Revisited' in: Barrett, Fitzpatrick and Macinnes, Barbarians and Romans in North-West Europe, BAR International Series, no. 471, pp. 15-23.
  • Fitzpatrick, A, 1989, 'The uses of Roman imperialism by the Celtic Barbarians in the later Republic' in: Barrett, Fitzpatrick and Macinnes, Barbarians and Romans in North-West Europe, BAR International Series, no. 471, pp. 31-35.
  • Braund 1996, Ruling Roman Britain, pp. 65, 72, 84-85.

 

 

 

 

The Wealth of Verica's Kingdom and the Elites

 

The Numismatics

 

Verica's three coinages were large ones, involving 20 obverse and 42 reverse dies for the staters and 8 obverse and 35 reverse dies for the quarter staters.

For a discussion see:

  • Sills 2017, pp. 387-388.

Large numbers of Iron Age coins have been found at temple sites at Wanborough and Hayling Island. Archaeologists John Creighton, Anthony King and Grahame Soffe have suggested that Verica was involved at the revival of the Hayling Island site.

For a discussion see:

  • Bird, J., 1994, 'The Roman Temple at Wanborough, excavation 1985-1986', Surrey Archaeological Collections, vol. 82, pp. 1-168, for Iron Age coins see (in same article): Cheesman, C., pp. 31-55.
  • Ely, T., 1908, Roman Hayling: a contribution to the History of Roman Britain, pp. 28-30.
  • King, A. and Soffe, G., 2013, A Sacred Island – Iron Age, Roman and Saxon Temples and Ritual on Hayling Island, pp. 16-17, 22-23.
  • Creighton 2000, pp. 192-197.
  • Nash-Briggs, Haselgrove and King 1992, pp. 1-62.

 

Archaeology – Suddern Farm Excavations

 

1991 excavations at Suddern Farm in Hampshire yielded large amounts of British-made copies of exotic Gaulish pottery. One pot was a painted vessel that may have been an import from Gaul. The use of this pottery suggests that even remote areas of Atrebatic/Regnan/Belgic territory aspired to prestige. The photo below shows the encircling ditch around the settlement where the pottery was found.

 

 

Reference: Cunliffe and Poole, 2000, Suddern Farm, Middle Wallop, Hants, 1991 and 1996, (Danebury Environs Programme, Vol. 2, Part 3, pp. 21, 67,

 

 

 

 

For more information see:

 

 

 

 

For more information see:

 

  • Res Gestae Divi Augusti, VI.32 (Loeb p. 397).
  • Braund 1984, Rome and the Friendly King, pp. 39-40, 124-125.
  • Braund, D., 1989, 'Ideology, Subsidies and Trade: The King on the Northern Frontier Revisited' in: Barrett, Fitzpatrick and Macinnes, Barbarians and Romans in North-West Europe, BAR International Series, no. 471, pp. 15-23.
  • Braund 1996, Ruling Roman Britain, pp. 65, 72, 84-85.
  • Salway 1981, Roman Britain, pp. 47, 56-57. Note: Salway cautions that Rex may not mean "friendly king", but simply "king".

 

Creighton offers us an imaginative reconstruction of Tincomarus' experiences:

 

  • Creighton 2000, Coins and Power in Late Iron Age Britain, pp. 91-95.

 

Creighton also offers an interpretation of Tincomarus' coinage:

 

  • Creighton 2000, Coins and Power in Late Iron Age Britain, pp. 101-106, 129-131, 191.

 

 

 

 

For General Information, see:

 

  • Dio Cassius, Roman History, LX19,1 (Loeb vol. VIII, p. 415).
  • Braund 1996, Ruling Roman Britain, pp. 96-97.
  • Salway 1981, Roman Britain, pp. 69-70. Salway suggests that an anti-Roman fraction in Britain may have been responsible for Verica's exile.

 

Unsettled Conditions in Britain

 

There is the open question about Verica's relationship with Cunobeline. Several archaeologists have suggested that the sons of Cunobeline were threatening Verica – that this led to Verica's exile to Rome. These suggestions are entirely plausible.

 

For a discussion of the threat of Cunobeline's sons see:

 

  • King, A. and Soffe, G., 2013, A Sacred Island – Iron Age, Roman and Saxon Temples and Ritual on Hayling Island, pp. 16-17, 22-23.
  • Creighton 2000, pp. 192-197.

 

 

 

 

Unsettled Conditions in Rome

 

As the 30s AD wore on, the Caligula became increasingly unpopular at Rome. Word of this undoubtedly reached Britain. Verica, as a friendly king allied with Caligula would have been alarmed. He might not receive Caligula's help when he needed it. Furthermore, Caligula's enemies in Rome may have been plotting with Verica's enemies in Britain. The situation was ripe for intrigue.

 

Rome's Intentions towards Britain were problematic

 

Normally, Verica, as a friendly king, could call upon Rome for help if he was threatened by an internal revolt. But, Caligula was increasingly preoccupied by events on the Continent.

At some point, Verica was faced with a possible Roman invasion. Caligula mounted an aborted invasion in 40 AD. By 41 AD Caligula had been killed and Claudius became emperor. Verica's exile became one reason that Claudius launched the invasion of 43 AD.

 

For more information see:

  • Suetonius, Lives of the Caesars, Book IV Gaius Caligula. (Loeb, Rolfe translation 1960. pp. 403-497).
  • Collingwood, R., 1936, Roman Britain and the English Settlements, pp. 76-78 (for a classic description of Claudius' motives for the invasion of 43 AD).
  • Braund, D, 1989, 'Ideology, Subsidies and Trade: The King on the Northern Frontier Revisited' in: Barrett, Fitzpatrick and Macinnes, Barbarians and Romans in North-West Europe, BAR International Series, no. 471, pp. 15-23.
  • Braund 1996, Ruling Roman Britain, pp. 91-96.
  • Salway 1981, Roman Britain, pp. 55-75. Salway suggests that an anti-Roman fraction in Britain may have been responsible for Verica's exile.

For a discussion of the identities of the friendly kings see:

  • Strabo, Geography, Book IV,5.3 (Loeb, p. 257).
  • Stevens, 1951, pp. 340-342.
  • Rudling, D., 1979, 'Invasion and Response: Downland Settlement in East Sussex', in: Burnham, B. and Johnson, H., Invasion and Response – The Case of Roman Britain, pp. 342-343.
  • Frere 1987 3e, Britannia – a History of Roman Britain, p. 32.

 

 

 

 

The Horseman Image

 

 

 

Tincomarus was the first British ruler to use different messaging for his gold and silver coinages. This enable him to send special messages to his wealthy elites, who would be the most likely people to see gold coins. He could simultaneously send different messages to the less-wealthy groups, who would only see the silver coins. It was, of course, an imperfect messaging system, but it probably worked well much of the time.

 

For more information about the semiotics of Tincomarus' coins see:

 

Copyright R. D. Van Arsdell 2017