Celtic Coinage of Britain

third edition

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Meyrick 1815 Plate XIII Mint Scene colour restored

 

 

Numismatic Articles

Van Arsdell 2025a    (Info)

 

Imagining a Mint – a forgotten image?

A Spectacular Early Illustration of a Celtic Mint in Britain

By Robert D. Van Arsdell

 

 

Introduction

 

This image deserves more attention than it's received. It shows an ancient British mint in operation – and it's in colour no less. It's been around since 1815.

 

Meyrick Mint Scene colour restored

It's creators made one of the few attempts to show what a Celtic mint in Britain looked like. They showed how mint workers made coins and the tools they used.

The image appears as plate XIII in Meyrick and Smith's The Costume of the Orignial Inhabitatants of the British Islands(Book Details)(Colour Details)

Usually, such an image would appear over and over in numismatic publications and everyone would immediately recognize it. One wonders why this one hasn't received wider appreciation.

That it appeared in a costume book might offer some explanation. If it had appeared in Ruding's Annals of the Coinage of Britain instead, it might have become more widely known in numismatic circles. Few would go looking for a numismatic image in a costume book.

....But perhaps something more nefarius happened.

 

Building an image – starting with nothing

 

Meyrick Mint Image

Meyrick (the author) and Smith (the illustrator) understood the task ahead of them. Meyrick, an expert on armour, led the project.

The two men wanted to recreate an ancient mint accurately. More impressively, they described the methodology they used and were careful to cite sources. They sought images as close to the time of the mint as they could find to include in their illustration.

The resulting illustration is a composite of genuine ancient images, using the information available in 1815. In only one instance were they forced to use an inspiration from modern times. No ancient source was available for the mint building. So for that they had to guess. (Chronological Problems)

They were bound to make mistakes – but pressed ahead anyway. However, they had no intention of dreaming things up.

 

Disassembling the Image

The image is made up of a general scene with two figures. Below, there are two coins. These four elements – scene, two figures, and coins at the bottom – must be assessed separately to appreciate Meyrick's accomplishment.

For the rest of the discussion, "Meyrick and Smith" will be shortened to "Meyrick" for brevity. But decisions may have been taken jointly by the two men.

 

Meyrick's Strategy

Meyrick sought out plausible images from ancient times. He was careful to select ones as close as possible to the date of a British mint. He was not trying to invent details or guess at appearances.

The outcome would be be limited by the ancient images he could find in 1815, but he wouldn't let it be compromised by a lackadaisical attitude about accuracy.

 

The Overall Scene

Unfortunately, Meyrick had no ancient image of a British building or landscape to guide him. So he used ones from the South Pacific, instead. For example, in plate VIII he borrows images of round houses in New Caledonia to create "British cabbins." He justified his choice because they they came close to Strabo's descriptions of buildings in Gaul. He evidently chose a round building for the mint using the same logic. (See Plate VIII)

 

Bulleid 1924 Artist's reconstruction of Glastonbury Lake Village by Forestier

This proved to be a lucky choice, because a circular structure (roundhouse) would prove, years later, to be a typical kind of Ancient British building. It would be 75 years before British roundhouses were identified by archaeologists. In 1892, roundhouses had been unearthed in Somerset. (Background)

Left: early illustration of roundhouses at Glastonbury Lake Village by M. Forestier.

 

Meyrick 1815 Mint Scene

Meyrick's scene shows us a spit-and-polish kind of Iron Age. This probably didn't offend readers in 1815 – they would have liked a romantic view of their ancestors.

Today, archaeologists have accustomed us to expect a dirty and smelly sort of Iron Age. To modern readers, the image looks somewhat bizarre. Surely the furnace behind the moneyer would have blackened everything around it with soot.

Also, would someone be walking around barefoot with heated coins spilling onto the floor? Why is the man carrying an unsheathed sword?

The foreground is decorated with miscellaneous pre-Roman objects, shown as the metalworker's other products. Some are centuries older than the scene and shouldn't be there.

But we have to move beyond these quibbles.

 

The Figures in the Scene

 

Camden 1879 plate 17 Metalworker Coin and Ludgate Tombstone

Both of the figures were inspired by a single source –  plate 17 in the 1789 edition of Camden's Britannia (detail, shown left). The moneyer is copied from a British coin, the Romanized Briton from a Roman tombstone.

There are two images of this coin in the book. Meyrick's citation for the moneyer figure actually leads instead to the first appearance, in the coin plates – to Cunobeline's metal worker coin. It's an obvious adaptation. But this can't be the image Meyrick actually used, it's too crude.

Later in the Britannia, here in plate 17, there is the second, better image of Cunobeline's coin directly above a Roman tombstone. This second image might be the one Meyrick copied, but there are still better ones to track down.

The tombstone below the coin is the likely source for Meyrick's standing figure.

Meyrick probably saw plate 17 and decided to use both images for his book. His other citations show that he looked at several other images of the coin to get better ideas for the moneyer. There is a thoroughness in his approach to the details here.

 

The Two Coins Below the Scene

 

Meyrick's plate shows two coins at the bottom. Both are well-known types.

 

Metalworker Coin

Metalworker Coin Camden 1789 Image Meyrick Image

The first coin is V2097, Cunobeline's metal worker type, first published by Camden in 1590. (See catalog listing for V2097)

Meyrick's source for this image was supposedly the 1789 edition of Camden's Britannia, but the actual source is problematic and this will be discussed below.

 

 

Tasciovanus Stater

Speed Tasciovanus Stater Image Meyrick Image

The other coin is V1732, a Second Coinage stater of Tasciovanus. (See catalog listing for V1732)

The source for the image does appear to be Speed's The Historie of Great Britaine.

 

At this point, the illustration seems to meet Meyrick's goal of using plausible ancient images. However, there are many concerns and numismatists would be right to question the image's reliability.

Taking a closer look at the two figures will give us greater insight.

 

Details About the Figures

 

The scene has two figures, a seated "Feryllt" busy striking coins, and a "Romanized Briton", standing next to him. The standing figure is intended to be a member of the ruling elite, overseeing the mint operations.

 

The "Feryllt"

Cunobeline Metalworker Coin Camden 1789 Image Meyrick Feryllt Image

"Feryllt" is best taken to mean "moneyer" in this image. (Info)

Meyrick indicates he adapted this image from a coin in the Gough edition of Camden's Britannia (1789 edition shown here). He also notes other examples in Speed and the 1695 Gibson edition of the Britannia.

The original coin (and Gough's illustration) clearly show a man hammering a bronze vase with a foot ring. Turning the man into a moneyer wasn't a bad idea – but it led to a mistake about the minting process. Meyrick shows the hammer die as part of the hammer. The image was cut into the face.

This means the moneyer had to hit the flan perfectly every time he struck a blow. He would have needed incredible skill to do this repeatedly. If Meyrick had discussed this with anyone knowledgeable about minting operations, he would have learned the hammer and the die were two separate tools. The die could be centred on the flan and the hammer merely supplied the striking force.

There shouldn't have been any mystery about the way the specialized metalworker's hammer in the image was used. It's still made and used today. It's called a "dog's head" hammer, or perhaps a variety of a "weight-forward" hammer. The hammer on the coin shows a bulbous and turned-down face. It's used for a variety of tasks, but a common one is for sheet metal work – exactly as shown on Cunobeline's coin. (Details)

Such a hammer would have been useful for hammering the rounded bowl from the inside. The ancient die-cutter for Cunobeline's coin had a good familiarity with metal working and an eye for detail regarding the tools workers actually used. Unfortunately, Meyrick's source for the image changed a genuine type of hammer to a non-existent tool. It's surprising that Meyrick, an arms and armour expert, failed to catch this particular error.  (More about the moneyer image)

Meyrick's errors here undermine our trust in the image.

 

The "Romanized Briton"

Ludgate Tombstone Camden 189 image Meyrick Romanized Briton Image

Fortunately, the other figure, a Romanized Briton, is borrowed from more strightforward sources. The orginal image was a Roman Centurion on a tombstone found near Ludgate Hill, London in 1669. (More about the tombstone).

On the tombstone, the figure is standing, holding a Centurion's staff in his right hand and a scroll in his left. Meyrick changed the staff into a sword, and added colours to the clothing. He used red for the tunic to suggest a Roman (or Gaulish) origin, and a plaid pattern, to suggest a British one for the cloak. Thus, the Centurion was changed into a Romanized Briton.

The inscription mentions the soldier was married while in service. Such marriages became possible during the reign of Septimius Severus – dating the stone after 197 A.D. (Reference)

It's doubtful Meyrick knew the tombstone dated 150 years later than the mint scene. Fashion could have changed and he might have sought an earlier source had he known. The dating would have been important in a costume book.

This is yet another problem that undermines our confidence in the image today.

 

Fairholt and the Controversy

 

This image ought to be better known amongst numismatists today. There's a possible explanation why it isn't – it may have been rejected by the numismatic community at an early date.

F.W. Fairholt, the engraver who prepared the superb woodcuts for Evans' Coins of the Ancient Britons, decided to produce a better costume book than Meyrick's. In 1846, he published Costume in England, a History of Dress from the earliest Period Till the Close of the Eighteenth Century. In his book, Fairholt sums up earlier authors' works as having little value:

"The details of the earliest English costume have been thus entered upon, because it was felt necessary to guide the artist, in his delineation of ancient life, by fact illustrations alone; and many attempts have been made in expensive works, having much pretension to accuracy, that may considerably mislead him in his details; authorities have been cited and used that are in reality of little value, and plates the result of this guess work are fortified by learned descriptions and quotations apparently unquestionable, of authorities by no means valid, and from which it would not be difficult to manufacture the most absurd figures." F.W. Fairholt, 1846

Although these comments condemned costume books in general, it seems they were aimed primarily at Meyrick. (See pages in Fairholt's book).

Fairholt was the illustrator for many numismatic and archaeological books in the 1850s and 60s. This was a time of controversy for Ancient British numismatics. He would have had influence amongst the key authors, and his close working relationship with Sir John Evans is well-known. (See another article about Fairholt and Evans)(Another reference)

It may be that Fairholt convinced Evans that Meyrick's image of a British mint was untrustworthy – he would have been able to use Meyrick's mistakes as evidence. In any event, Evans did not mention Meyrick's work in The Coins of the Ancient Britons.

 

Appraising the Image Today

 

Today, we can see the image as an idealized vision of an Iron Age mint. But we can also appreciate Meyrick's desire to construct a plausible scene based on ancient evidence.

Meyrick made one preventable mistake by conjuring up a non-existent tool: the one-piece hammer and die. He could have avoided this by asking other antiquaries about minting procedures.

Today, Meyrick's images are most often described as delightful and charmingly idyllic. Several authors have pointed out that Meyrick may have been influenced by the druid mania of the 18th and early 19th centuries, and that his images popularized it further. (References).

 

And yet...

 

Meyrick got one thing absolutely right. One thing that modern numismatists wouldn't normally consider.

He correctly answers the question: "Who is the important person in the scene?" – and he does it with skill and subtletry.

Modern writers sensibly focus on the moneyer as the important man. He's the one making the coins, the things we focus all our attention on today. It's the die-links, the alloys, the weights, the findspot distributions that hold the keys to understanding the past. These are best studied and published in isolation, not influenced by considerations of the context of the ancient world and its people.

But Meyrick, creating a costume book, held "people-in-context" to be of prime importance.

 

Meyrick Mint Scene

Meyrick constructed the scene carefully.

He has the moneyer clad in minimal clothing. He leans over his work as if he's driven to produce. He's smaller than the Romanized Briton, leading us to accord him less importance.

Meanwhile, the Romanized Briton is dressed in his best finery. He must have much higher status. He's armed, giving him the look of power and authority. He gazes off into the distance, unconcerned with the mundane matters at hand. He has more important things to worry about.

Clearly, Meyrick, a wealthy aristocrat producing a book for other aristocrats, decided to show the Romanized Briton as the important person in the image.

The Romanized Briton's clearly the one who makes all the decisions about the coinage. He's the one who decides what the coins are made of, how many are made, and how they're sent out into the world. He's the one who will influence people and guide events with money.

Most importantly, the Romanized Briton is controlling the propaganda, the coin messages he wants conveyed to his people. He wants to tell them things and convince them he's a leader.

 

Summary

 

Today, we shouldn't view Meyrick's image as an inaccurate, idyllic view of an ancient mint.

We should view it as a canny and accurate view of people and the role of coinage in the ancient world.

 

 

End

 

 

 

 

This article first appeared in Celtic Coinage of Britain April, 2025

 

 

 

 

Meyrick, Samuel Rush and Smith, Charles Hamilton, 1815 The Costume of the Original Inhabitatants of the British Islands, revised edition of 1821, reprinted ca. 1830.

 

Hand-coloured costume books are a speciality amongst antiquarian booksellers today. They were expensive objects when new, because the hand-colouring was labour intensive. They would have made impressive gifts for aristocrats. One likely audience would have been women interested in studying the history of fashion. The copy used for this article was likely made to order.

 

Title page:

 

Meyrick and Smith Title Page

 

 

Plate XIII:

 

This illustration (pl. XIII) is from the Improved Edition of 1821, in a copy that was printed later, about 1830. Meyrick copies appear to have been printed to order after 1821. Note there is no publication date on the title page.

Meyrick printings may be dated approximately by watermark dates on the paper. The earliest watermark on this copy (1827) appears on plate VII, the commonest (1828) on the second text leaf for plate VII and the latest (1829) on the fourth text leaf for plate II. Most pages lack the watermark date – likely because the pages were cut out of larger sheets of paper at some point in the printing/binding process. Thus, not all cut sheets have the date. Other copies of the book should be expected to show different watermarking.

The pages of this ca. 1830 copy have no page numbers, an earlier example of the 1821 edition has numbered pages and also has the date on the title page. The lack of pagination in this copy creates a problem with the last footnote for plate XIII – it assumes the book has page numbers.

Meyrick, a scholar and armour expert, provided the text for the book, Smith was the illustrator. The printed images were aquatinted by R. Havell.

 

Text for the image:

 

Meyrick text for plate XIII, page 1

 

Meyrick text for plate XIII, page 2

 

 

 

 

Is it a British mint, or a Roman mint operating in Britain after the Roman Conquest?

 

Meyrick Ancient British Mint Scene

 

Meyrick included the mint illustration with his plates of the Roman period. However, the coins shown are clearly of the pre-Roman period. Likewise, the image of the moneyer is copied from a pre-Roman coin of Cunobeline. Unfortunately, the standing man is adapted from a tombstone of the Roman period. Thus, there's some confusion about the intended date of the scene.

By 1815, it was widely accepted that the Britons produced their own coins prior to the Roman conquest of 43 AD. There would, however, be debate about this for another fifty years.

Meyrick would have known that the process of Romanization started before the Conquest. Earlier authors had shown examples of British coins with images copied from Roman coins. It made sense to show Romanized Britons producing British coins in a British mint. The British elite authorizing the coins would have been "Romanized" to some degree.

Unfortunately, Meyrick used a Roman tombstone for the image of the standing Romanized Briton, suggesting the scene could be after the Invasion of 43 AD. The confusion cannot be resolved without making arbitrary decisions.

Overall, the scene is best interpreted as a mint making British coins, not Roman ones. It should be a British mint and it's date should be just before the Roman Invasion.

Suggesting that it's an Icenian or Corieltauvian mint operating after 43 AD would never have occurred to Meyrick, so we shouldn't do that.

 

Some pre-1815 sources for Roman imagery appearing on British coins:

  • Camden, W., 1610, Britannia (Philemon Holland edition), p. 97.
  • Camden, W., 1695, Britannia (Gibson edition), columns 87, 89 and 93.
  • Camden, W., 1789, Britannia (Gough edition), pp. 66 and 68.
  • Pegge 1766, pp. 44, 47, 48, 49, 51, 54.
  • Stukeley 1776, pls. 5, 6, 7, 8 and 9.

 

 

 

 

Meyrick mint scene

 

The Feryllt striking coins

 

Feryllt, or fferyllt is a term usually encountered in Celtic literature. In modern Welsh, fferyldd translates to pharmacist or chemist.

In Origines Celticae, Guest refers to a Fferyll as a metal worker and Fferyllwg Powys as a Welsh district.

The common reference is in Taliesien, in which Ceridwen "according to the book of the Fferyllt boils a cauldon of Inspiration and Science for her son." In this sense, the term would suggest something like "someone knowledgeable in the arts and sciences." Meyrick includes metallurgist. It might include Alchemist.

Setting Celtic literature aside, it may be useful to think of the modern industrial term "converter", a business that takes raw materials and "converts" them to finished products: a company that takes paperboard, glue and ink and converts them to breakfast cereal boxes, for example. Thus a Fferyllt might be a worker in the converting trades. But that would be applying a modern concept to an ancient situation – so it shouldn't be carried too far.

I can recall after-hours discussions with archaeologists at the Danebury Excavations that ancient workers in trades like metal-smelting, blacksmithing and pottery-making may have been outcasts in society. Perhaps they had been forced to live in separate communities because they had supernatural powers, knowledge and skills. They couldn't be trusted to live amongst farmers and herders. Of course, all of this was speculation, but it gives one a different view of the lives of specialist workers in ancient Britain.

In the case of the Meyrick inage, the term should best be taken as nothing more than "moneyer", but it may be useful to keep some of the less certain connotations in mind.

 

Some sources:

 

  • Guest, Lady Charlotte, 1997, The Mabinogian, Dover Thrift edition,p. 189.
  • Guest, E., 1883, Origines Celticae, pp. 52-53.
  • Matthews, J., 2002, Taliesin – The last Celtic Shaman, pp. 14, 197 and 301.
  • Matthews, J. and Matthews, C., 1994, The Encyclopaedia or Celtic Wisdom, p. 234.
  • Rolleston, T.W., 2002, Celtic Myths and Legends, Dover ed. p, 413.
  • Teach Yourself Welsh Dictionary, 2003, p. 85.
  •  

     

     

     

    The plates in the book are hand-coloured, engraved images usually described as "aquatints".

    The copy of Meyrick's book used for this article has yellowed paper. The images shown throughout the rest of this article reproduce the yellowed state. However, it's possible to correct for the yellowing in Photoshop Editing Software. The images at the side of this paragraph and head of the article have been adjusted to simulate the colours one might have seen when the book was new.

     

     

     

     

    Meyrick's Error and the Image's True Source

     

    Metalworker Coin Cunobeline

     

    Perhaps Meyrick shouldn't be blamed for the errors here, he wasn't the first one to make the mistakes. There are no fewer than ten illustrations of the coin before 1815.

    The first image was Camden 1590. Camden illustrated the coin showing the man striking coins, not a bowl. Coins can be seen spilling off the anvil die. It may be that Camden had a battered example of the coin, and it wasn't clear what the man was doing. There's no indication, however, that Meyrick was aware of Camden's 1590 version.

    The latest image was Camden 1789 (Gough edition, above). Gough corrected the image for his edition of the Britannia and restored the metalworker and bowl as shown on the coin. But, it's obvious Meyrick couldn't have used this image, either.

    Perhaps Meyrick decided to change the man back to a moneyer if he had borrowed Gough's image. But this seems an unlikely chain of events. So where did he get the idea to turn the bowl into coins? The answer must lie amongst the other eight published images.

    There is a second image of the coin in Camden 1789, in the general plate "British Coins" (below). However, this image is so crude and inaccurate, it cannot be the inspiration for Meyrick's image. But in this second image, the one Meyrick actually cites for the moneyer, the metal vase has been turned into a blob, with dots falling off it. It's possible he liked the idea of turning the metal worker into a moneyer and went searching for better images of the coin.

     

    Alternate image metalworker coin Camden 1789

     

    Meyrick gives Speed as another source of the image. The 1632 edition of Speed's Historie of Great Britaine corrects Camden's mistake, but that image showed Speed had no idea the coin showed anything – it just shows the man hammering on a blob. Thus, Meyrick couldn't have gotten the idea from Speed.

     

    Metalworker coin Speed 1632

     

    Meyrick also gives the Gibson edition of the Britannia as a source for the coin image. Gibson or his author for the numismatics section, Obidiah Walker, continued the mistake of showing a moneyer. It may be that Meyrick decided he liked Gibson's version to Gough's. Meyrick does show a hammer head similar to the one in Gibson. This is a plausible explanation for Meyricks's choice, but it's not the only one.

    The 1695 Gibson edition illustrates the coin in the center of the first row of coins in Tabula 1 (below):

     

    Camden 1695 images of coins

     

    Four other authors illustrated the coin before 1815: Camden (1610), Pettingal (1763), Pegge (1766), and Stukeley (1776 two images).

    Camden, in his own words decribes the image as a "Coiner or Mint-master", suggesting he never saw an actual coin, or saw one so damaged, he couldn't interpret the image correctly.

    1610 would be the last time Camden revised the text for the Britannia and it was the first appearance of an English translation. Meyrick never mentions this image. But, it's interesting to note that the shape of the hammer head on this image is like that on Meyrick's illustration – that this might be the true source of Meyrick's inspiration. But there are still two better suggestions – ones published closer to Meyrick's time.

    Pettingal 1763, shows the coin correctly with a metalworker hammering a bowl with a foot ring. Pettingal's image is one of the most accurate of all. It shows a hammer head similar, but not exactly like that on Camden's 1610 image. Taking all this together suggests Pettingal isn't the best choice.

    Pegge 1766 shows a moneyer, continuing Camden's and Speed's errors. The hammer head's the same as Camden's 1610. Meyrick and Pegge were both members of the Society of Antiquaries (but not at the same time). So Meyrick may have been familiar with Pegge's work.

    Of all the images, Pegge's shows the most detailed version of the hammer head, with a forward projection and knobs on the sides. Meyricks's image is identical to it –  making Pegge the most likely source for Meyrick's image.

    Stukeley 1776 shows two images of the type, both incorrectly as a moneyer. He and Meyrick were also non-contemporary members of the Society of Antiquaries. The plate VI image is too crude to judge. However, the plate V image, while still crude, does show the correct hammer head. The plate V image would be a second-best choice for Meyrick's moneyer.

     

    Metalworker Camden (1610), Pegge (1766), Pettingal (1766) and Stukeley (1776)

     

    Sources for the images:

    • Camden, W., 1590, Britannia, p. 321 (page is mis-numbered 221, but pagination is correct).
    • Camden, W., 1610, Britannia (Philemon Holland edition), p. 97, plate on page 89, coin II.
    • Camden, W., 1695, Britannia (Gibson edition), tabula I, opposite p. 87 (coin 2).
    • Camden, W., 1789, Britannia (Gough edition), vol.1 , pl. 17, opposite p. 341 (coin top, left).
    • Camden, W., 1789, Britannia (Gough edition), vol.1, plate "British Coins", opposite p. 65, coin #3 (alternate image of metalworker coin)
    • Pegge, S., 1766, An Essay on the Coins of Cunobeline, plate 2 (coin 6).
    • Pettingal, J., 1763, A Dissertation upon the Tascia, of Legend on the British Coins of Cunobeline and others, frontispiece (coin top, right).
    • Speed, J., 1632, The Historie of Great Britaine, p. 31.
    • Stukeley, W., 1776, Twenty-Three Plates of the Coins of the Ancient British Kings, pls. V (coin 3) and VI (coin 1).

     

    For a modern discussion of the metalworker image, see:

    • Allen 1958a, pp. 59-60, pl.7, coin 56.

     

     

     

    Roundhouses in Ancient Britain

     

    Roundhouses in Britain are sometimes considered a mid-1930s discovery. But Crawford predicted circular huts from aerial photography at Little Woodbury as early as 1929. His prediction was confirmed during Bersu's 1938 excavations.

    However, there were much earlier discoveries in the 1890s.

    In 1892, several roundhouses were discovered at the Glastonbury Lake Village.

    Arthur Bulleid's 1896 site guide shows a simplified plan of a circular structure. The circular array of post holes is clearly labelled. The posts would have supported the roof. There's a hearth within the circle (A on plan).

     

    Authur Bulleid, Glastonbury Lake Village site guide 1896

     

    Bulleid and Gray's final excavation report of 1911 gives the original plan plus a more detailed one (XLV on plan).

     

    Authur Bulleid, Glastonbury Lake Village  excavation report 1911

     

    Caveat

    Archaeologists are quick to caution that a circle of post holes need not indicate the site of a house. Some could be nothing more than animal pens. Even the find of a hearth in the center of the circle need not indicate a hut – the hearth and circle might not be contemporary features.

    (pers. comm. Cunliffe, B. ca. 1988).

     

    Some sources:

    • Bersu, G., 1938, 'Excavations at Little Woodbury, Wiltshire, during 1938', pp. 312, pl. LVII.
    • Bersu, G., 1940, 'Excavations at Little Woodbury, Wiltshire', PPS, vol. 6, pp. 78-94, pl. I (plan opposite pg. 64) and plate III.
    • Bulleid, A., 1924, The Lake Villages of Somerset, Frontispiece.
    • Bulleid, A. and Gray, H., 1911, The Glastonbury Lake Village, vol. I, pp. 55 and 117-118, pl. XX (Mound XLV).
    • Crawford, O., 1928, Wessex from the Air, pp. 80-81, pl. VIII.
    • Crawford, O., 1929, 'Woodbury Two Marvellous Air-Photographs', Antiquity, vol. 3, pp. 452-455 (predicts circular huts from the air photos), frontispiece opposite p. 385.
    • Munro, R., 1882, Ancient Scottish Lake-Dwellings or Crannogs, pp. 199-200, pl. IV, (The description of the 1880 excavation at Buston seems to describe a possible round hut, but the evidence is too uncertain to be conclusive).
    • Munro, R., et al, 1896, The British Lake-Village near Glastonbury, 2e, p. 21, (and illustration opposite).
    • Munro, R., 1912, Palaeolithic Man and the Terramara Settlements in Europe, p. 431.
    • Strabo, Geography, 4.3.3., Loeb edition 1969, vol. 2, p.243.

     

     

     

     

    Circular Huts in Britain

     

    "British cabbins" in Metyrick

     

    Based on huts from New Caledonia

     

    Colour corrected to approximate colours seen when plate was new.

     

     

     

     

    The Metalworker's Hammer

     

    The die-cutter for Cunobeline's coin was very particular about the type of hammer to appear in the image.

    The coin shows a "dog's head" or weight-forward hammer. Dog's head hammers have the face extended well in front of the axis of the handle, so the worker can strike surfaces inside of vases. The one on the coin has a very long neck – it's a type of hammer commonly used for sheet metal work. The neck is curved down to make the work even easier.

    The photo below shows a modern dog's head hammer. The form of the hammer head varies widely in these kinds of tools. The one in the photo below has a fairly short, straight neck. But the face is still forward of the handle's axis. The peen (pointed end) is extended even further.

     

    Dog Head's Hammer

     

    The die cutter for the coin, by showing such a tool, tells us the scene is a metal worker working on a vase. It's not a moneyer striking coins.

    On other dies for Cunobeline's metalworker coin, the head of the hammer appears as bulbous mass in line with the neck of the hammer (not turned down). But the face is well forward of the handle, so it's still a dog's head hammer – for sheet metal work.

    For the alternative die variety for the hammer image, see:

    • Allen 1958a, pp. 59-60, pl. 7, coin 56.

     

    What Would a Different Hammer Tell Us?

     

    Cat's Head Hammer

     

    If the bulbous mass had been centred directly on the hammer's handle (not out on a long neck), then it would have represented a different type of hammer. It would no longer have a "weight forward" design.

    The hammer would instead be a "cat's head" hammer. A cat's head hammer is useful for striking punches or coin dies. It takes advantage of the separation of the die and hammer into separate tools. The die would provide the positioning accuracy for the task, while the hammer would just have to provide the striking force. One hand holds the die, the other holds the hammer. Thus, one hand concentrates on accuracy, the other concentrates on the force. This separation speeds up the work and Cunobeline's die-cutter likely knew this. He also likely knew the difference between sheet metal work and a moneyer's job.

    Though I've hand-struck coins in the past, I haven't used this particular cat's head hammer to do the work. It should serve perfectly as a moneyer's hammer, however.

    The fact that a dog's head hammer appears on Cunobeline's coin, and not a cat's head hammer, shows a sheet metal worker was always intended. Cunobeline's coin never showed a coin-making scene.

     

     

     

     

    Published Images of the Ludgate Tombstone prior to 1815:

     

    All pre-1815 images of the Ludgate tombstone

     

    The Roman tombstone was a well-publicized find during the rebuilding of St. Martin's Church near Ludgate Hill in 1669.

    The tombstone eventually became part of the Arundelean Marbles in the Ashmolean Museum. It was published in two museum catalogues (Prideaux, 1676 and Chandler, 1763). The other authors included it in archaeological works.

    The tombstone's surface was extensively damaged, but all of the published images are in reasonable agreeement (ignoring the hair). The standing figure is a soldier, a Romanized Briton wearing a tunic, covered by a cloak. Meyrick has coloured the tunic red, to show its Roman (possibly Gaulish) origin, and the cloak as plaid to show its British origin – thus creating a Romanized Briton.

     

    Sources for the images:

    • Camden, W. 1789, Britannia (Gough edition), vol. 1, pl. 17 (opposite p. 341), vol. 2, p. 16..
    • Chandler, R., 1763, Marmora Oxoniensia, pt. 3, pl 2, fig. 10.
    • Gale, T., 1709, Antonini Iter Britanniarum, pp. 67-68.
    • Horsley, J., 1732, Britannia Romana: or the Roman Antiquities of Britain, p. 331, pl. 75 Middlesex I.
    • Prideaux, H., 1676, Marmora Oxoniensia ex Arundellianus, p. 280, pl, 147.

     

    Post-1815 sources:

    • Collingwood, R.G., and Wright, R.P., 1965, Roman Inscriptions of Britain, vol. 1, Inscriptions on Stone, pp. 8-9, pl. 17.
    • RCHM (England), 1928, London, vol. 3, pp. 172-3, fig. 76, pl. 60.
    • Smith, C., 1848, Collectanea Antiqua, vol. 1, p. 127.
    • Smith, C., 1859, Illustrations of Roman London, pp. 22-23.

     

     

     

     

    Herodion, History of the Empire, iii 8, 5. (Loeb edition vol. 1, p. 309).

     

    Septimius granted the soldiers an increase in pay, permission to wear a gold ring and the right to live at home with their wives. These priviliges were thought to decrease military discipline. They were granted in 197 A.D.

     

     

     

     

    Critiques of Meyrick's Images

     

    • Piggott, S., 1968, The Druids, pp. 162 and 164, pls. 116 and 121.
    • Piggott, S., 1989, Ancient Britons and the Antiquarian Imagination, p. 64, pls. 13 and 19.
    • Sweet, R., 2004, The Antiquaries, p. 150, pl. 17 and 22.

     

     

     

     

    Fairholt 1846 Title Page:

     

    Fairholt 1846 Title Page

     

    Fairholt 1846 Page 5:

     

    Fairholt 1846 Page 5

     

    Fairholt 1846 Page 17:

     

    Fairholt 1846 Page 17

     

    Fairholt did not revise his comments in the second edition of his book in 1860.

    Fairholt 1860 Title Page:

     

    Fairholt 1860 Title Page

     

    Fairholt 1860 Page 4:

     

    Fairholt 1860 P.4

     

    Fairholt 1860 Page 15:

     

    Fairholt 1860 Page 15

     

    References:

    • Fairholt, F, 1846, Costume in England, pp. 5 and 17.
    • Fairholt, F, 1860, Costume in England, pp. 4 and 15.

     

     

     

    de Jersey, P., 2008, 'Evans and Ancient British Coins', in: MacGregor, A. (ed), Sir John Evans 1823-1908, pp. 152-172.

     

    Copyright R. D. Van Arsdell 2017